["Dataset",["List",["Association",["Rule","'URL'","'http:\/\/www.presidency.ucsb.edu\/ws\/index.php?pid=65393'"],["Rule","'Date'",["DateObject",["List",1916,9,2]]],["Rule","'Person'",["Entity","'Person'","'WoodrowWilson::4jw93'"]],["Rule","'Party'","'Democrat'"],["Rule","'Location'",["Entity","'City'",["List","'SeaGirt'","'NewJersey'","'UnitedStates'"]]],["Rule","'Text'","'Senator James, Gentlemen of the Notification Committee, Fellow-Citizens:\nI cannot accept the leadership and responsibility which the National Democratic Convention has again, in such generous fashion, asked me to accept without first expressing my profound gratitude to the party for the trust it reposes in me after four years of fiery trial in the midst of affairs of unprecedented difficulty, and the keen sense of added responsibility with which this honor fills (I had almost said burdens) me as I think of the great issues of national life and policy involved in the present and immediate future conduct of our Government. I shall seek, as I have always sought, to justify the extraordinary confidence thus reposed in me by striving to purge my heart and purpose of every personal and of every misleading party motive and devoting every energy I have to the service of the nation as a whole, praying that I may continue to have the counsel and support of all forward-looking men at every turn of the difficult business.\nFor I do not doubt that the people of the United States will wish the Democratic Party to continue in control of the Government. They are not in the habit of rejecting those who have actually served them for those who are making doubtful and conjectural promises of service. Least of all are they likely to substitute those who promised to render them particular services and proved false to that promise for those who have actually rendered those very services.\nBoasting is always an empty business, which pleases nobody but the boaster, and I have no disposition to boast of what the Democratic Party has accomplished. It has merely done its duty. It has merely fulfilled its explicit promises. But there can be no violation of good taste in calling attention to the manner in which those promises have been carried out or in adverting to the interesting fact that many of the things accomplished were what the opposition party had again and again promised to do but had left undone. Indeed that is manifestly part of the business of this year of reckoning and assessment. There is no means of judging the future except by assessing the past. Constructive action must be weighed against destructive comment and reaction. The Democrats either have or have not understood the varied interests of the country. The test is contained in the record.\nWhat is that record? What were the Democrats called into power to do? What things had long waited to be done, and how did the Democrats do them? It is a record of extraordinary length and variety, rich in elements of many kinds, but consistent in principle throughout and susceptible of brief recital.\nThe Republican Party was put out of power because of failure, practical failure and moral failure; because it had served special interests and not the country at large; because, under the leadership of its preferred and established guides, of those who still make its choices, it had lost touch with the thoughts and the needs of the nation and was living in a past age and under a fixed illusion, the illusion of greatness. It had framed tariff laws based upon a fear of foreign trade, a fundamental doubt as to American skill, enterprise, and capacity, and a very tender regard for the profitable privileges of those who had gained control of domestic markets and domestic credits; and yet had enacted anti-trust laws which hampered the very things they meant to foster, which were stiff and inelastic, and in part unintelligible. It had permitted the country throughout the long period of its control to stagger from one financial crisis to another under the operation of a national banking law of its own framing which made stringency and panic certain and the control of the larger business operations of the country by the bankers of a few reserve centers inevitable; had made as if it meant to reform the law but had faint-heartedly failed in the attempt, because it could not bring itself to do the one thing necessary to make the reform genuine and effectual, namely, break up the control of small groups of bankers. It had been oblivious, or indifferent, to the fact that the farmers, upon whom the country depends for its food and in the last analysis for its prosperity, were without standing in the matter of commercial credit, without the protection of standards in their market transactions, and without systematic knowledge of the markets themselves; that the laborers of the country, the great army of men who man the industries it was professing to father and promote, carried their labor as a mere commodity to market, were subject to restraint by novel and drastic process in the courts, were without assurance of compensation for industrial accidents, without federal assistance in accommodating labor disputes, and without national aid or advice in finding the places and the industries in which their labor was most needed. The country had no national system of road construction and development. Little intelligent attention was paid to the army, and not enough to the navy. The other republics of America distrusted us, because they found that we thought first of the profits of American investors and only as an afterthought of impartial justice and helpful friendship. Its policy was provincial in all things; its purposes were out of harmony with the temper and purpose of the people and the timely development of the nation\'s interests.\nSo things stood when the Democratic Party came into power. How do they stand now? Alike in the domestic field and in the wide field of the commerce of the world, American business and life and industry have been set free to move as they never moved before.\nThe tariff has been revised, not on the principle of repelling foreign trade, but upon the principle of encouraging it, upon something like a footing of equality with our own in respect of the terms of competition, and a Tariff Board has been created whose function it will be to keep the relations of American with foreign business and industry under constant observation, for the guidance alike of our business men and of our Congress. American energies are now directed towards the markets of the world.\nThe laws against trusts have been clarified by definition, with a view to making it plain that they were not directed against big business but only against unfair business and the pretense of competition where there was none; and a Trade Commission has been created with powers of guidance and accommodation which have relieved business men of unfounded fears and set them upon the road of hopeful and confident enterprise.\nBy the Federal Reserve Act the supply of currency at the disposal of active business has been rendered elastic, taking its volume, not from a fixed body of investment securities, but from the liquid assets of daily trade; and these assets are assessed and accepted, not by distant groups of bankers in control of unavailable reserves, but by bankers at the many centers of local exchange who are in touch with local conditions everywhere.\nEffective measures have been taken for the re-creation of an American merchant marine and the revival of the American carrying trade indispensable to our emancipation from the control which foreigners have so long exercised over the opportunities, the routes, and the methods of our commerce with other countries.\nThe Interstate Commerce Commission is about to be reorganized to enable it to perform its great and important functions more promptly and more efficiently. We have created, extended and improved the service of the parcels post.\nSo much we have done for business. What other party has understood the task so well or executed it so intelligently and energetically? What other party has attempted it at all? The Republican leaders, apparently, know of no means of assisting business but \"protection.\" How to stimulate it and put it upon a new footing of energy and enterprise they have not suggested.\nFor the farmers of the country we have virtually created commercial credit, by means of the Federal Reserve Act and the Rural Credits Act. They now have the standing of other business men in the money market. We have successfully regulated speculation in \"futures\" and established standards in the marketing of grains. By an intelligent Warehouse Act we have assisted to make the standard crops available as never before both for systematic marketing and as a security for loans from the banks. We have greatly added to the work of neighborhood demonstration on the farm itself of improved methods of cultivation, and, through the intelligent extension of the functions of the Department of Agriculture, have made it possible for the farmer to learn systematically where his best markets are and how to get at them.\nThe workingmen of America have been given a veritable emancipation, by the legal recognition of a man\'s labor as part of his life, and not a mere marketable commodity; by exempting labor organizations from processes of the courts which treated their members like fractional parts of mobs and not like accessible and responsible individuals; by releasing our seamen from involuntary servitude; by making adequate provision for compensation for industrial accidents; by providing suitable machinery for mediation and conciliation in industrial disputes; and by putting the Federal Department of Labor at the disposal of the workingman when in search of work.\nWe have effected the emancipation of the children of the country by releasing them from hurtful labor. We have instituted a system of national aid in the building of highroads such as the country has been feeling after for a century. We have sought to equalize taxation by means of an equitable income tax. We have taken the steps that ought to have been taken at the outset to open up the resources of Alaska. We have provided for national defense upon a scale never before seriously proposed upon the responsibility of an entire political party. We have driven the tariff lobby from cover and obliged it to substitute solid argument for private influence.\nThis extraordinary recital must sound like a platform, a list of sanguine promises; but it is not. It is a record of promises made four years ago and now actually redeemed in constructive legislation.\nThese things must profoundly disturb the thoughts and confound the plans of those who have made themselves believe that the Democratic Party neither understood nor was ready to assist the business of the country in the great enterprises which it is its evident and inevitable destiny to undertake and carry through. The breaking up of the lobby must especially disconcert them: for it was through the lobby that they sought and were sure they had found the heart of things. The game of privilege can be played successfully by no other means.\nThis record must equally astonish those who feared that the Democratic Party had not opened its heart to comprehend the demands of social justice. We have in four years come very near to carrying out the platform of the Progressive Party as well as our own; for we also are progressives.\nThere is one circumstance connected with this program which ought to be very plainly stated. It was resisted at every step by the interests which the Republican Party had catered to and fostered at the expense of the country, and these same interests are now earnestly praying for a reaction which will save their privileges, for the restoration of their sworn friends to power before it is too late to recover what they have lost. They fought with particular desperation and infinite resourcefulness the reform of the banking and currency system, knowing that to be the citadel of their control; and most anxiously are they hoping and planning for the amendment of the Federal Reserve Act by the concentration of control in a single bank which the old familiar group of bankers can keep under their eye and direction. But while the \"big men\" who used to write the tariffs and command the assistance of the Treasury have been hostile, all but a few with vision, the average business man knows that he has been delivered, and that the fear that was once every day in his heart, that the men who controlled credit and directed enterprise from the committee rooms of Congress would crush him, is there no more, and will not return, unless the party that consulted only the \"big men\" should return to power, the party of masterly inactivity and cunning resourcefulness in standing pat to resist change.\nIn foreign affairs we have been guided by principles clearly conceived and consistently lived up to. Perhaps they have not been fully comprehended because they have hitherto governed international affairs only in theory, not in practice. They are simple, obvious, easily stated, and fundamental to American ideals.\nWe have been neutral not only because it was the fixed and traditional policy of the United States to stand aloof from the politics of Europe and because we had had no part either of action or of policy in the influences which brought on the present war, but also because it was manifestly our duty to prevent, if it were possible, the indefinite extension of the fires of hate and desolation kindled by that terrible conflict and seek to serve mankind by reserving cur strength and our resources for the anxious and difficult days of restoration and healing which must follow, when peace will have to build its house anew.\nThe rights of our own citizens of course became involved: that was inevitable. Where they did this was our guiding principle: that property rights can be vindicated by claims for damages and no modern nation can decline to arbitrate such claims; but the fundamental rights of humanity cannot be. The loss of life is irreparable. Neither can direct violations of a nation\'s sovereignty await vindication in suits for damages. The nation that violates these essential rights must expect to be checked and called to account by direct challenge and resistance. It at once makes the quarrel in part our own. These are plain principles and we have never lost sight of them or departed from them, whatever the stress or the perplexity of circumstance or the provocation to hasty resentment. The record is clear and consistent throughout and stands distinct and definite for anyone to judge who wishes to know the truth about it.\nThe seas were not broad enough to keep the infection of the conflict out of our own politics. The passions and intrigues of certain active groups and combinations of men amongst us who were born under foreign flags injected the poison of disloyalty into our own most critical affairs, laid violent hands upon many of our industries, and subjected us to the shame of divisions of sentiment and purpose in which America was contemned and forgotten. It is part of the business of this year of reckoning and settlement to speak plainly and act with unmistakable purpose in rebuke of these things, in order that they may be forever hereafter impossible. I am the candidate of a party, but I am above all things else an American citizen. I neither seek the favor nor fear the displeasure of that small alien element amongst us which puts loyalty to any foreign power before loyalty to the United States.\nWhile Europe was at war our own continent, one of our own neighbors, was shaken by revolution. In that matter, too, principle was plain and it was imperative that we should live up to it if we were to deserve the trust of any real partisan of the right as free men see it. We have professed to believe, and we do believe, that the people of small and weak states have the right to expect to be dealt with exactly as the people of big and powerful states would be. We have acted upon that principle in dealing with the people of Mexico.\nOur recent pursuit of bandits into Mexican territory was no violation of that principle. We ventured to enter Mexican territory only because there were no military forces in Mexico that could protect our border from hostile attack and our own people from violence, and we have committed there no single act of hostility or interference even with the sovereign authority of the Republic of Mexico herself. It was a plain case of the violation of our own sovereignty which could not wait to be vindicated by damages and for which there was no other remedy. The authorities of Mexico were powerless to prevent it.\nMany serious wrongs against the property, many irreparable wrongs against the persons of Americans have been committed within the territory of Mexico herself during this confused revolution, wrongs which could not be effectually checked so long as there was no constituted power in Mexico which was in a position to check them. We could not act directly in that matter ourselves without denying Mexicans the right to any revolution at all which disturbed us and making the emancipation of her own people await our own interest and convenience.\nFor it is their emancipation that they are seeking, blindly, it may be, and as yet ineffectually, but with profound and passionate purpose and within their unquestionable right, apply what true American principle you will, any principle that an American would publicly avow. The people of Mexico have not been suffered to own their own country or direct their own institutions. Outsiders, men out of other nations and with interests too often alien to their own, have dictated what their privileges and opportunities should be and who should control their land, their lives, and their resources, some of them Americans, pressing for things they could never have got in their own country. The Mexican people are entitled to attempt their liberty from such influences; and so long as I have anything to do with the action of our great Government I shall do everything in my power to prevent anyone standing in their way. I know that this is hard for some persons to understand; but it is not hard for the plain people of the United States to understand. It is hard doctrine only for those who wish to get something for themselves out of Mexico. There are men, and noble women, too, not a few, of our own people, thank God! whose fortunes are invested in great properties in Mexico who yet see the case with true vision and assess its issues with true American feeling. The rest can be left for the present out of the reckoning until this enslaved people has had its day of struggle towards the light. I have heard no one who was free from such influences propose interference by the United States with the internal affairs of Mexico. Certainly no friend of the Mexican people has proposed it.\nThe people of the United States are capable of great sympathies and a noble pity in dealing with problems of this kind. As their spokesman and representative, I have tried to act in the spirit they would wish me show. The people of Mexico are striving for the rights that are fundamental to life and happiness, 15,000,000 oppressed men, overburdened women, and pitiful children in virtual bondage in their own home of fertile lands and inexhaustible treasure! Some of the leaders of the revolution may often have been mistaken and violent and selfish, but the revolution itself was inevitable and is right. The unspeakable Huerta betrayed the very comrades he served, traitorously overthrew the government of which he was a trusted part, impudently spoke for the very forces that had driven his people to the rebellion with which he had pretended to sympathize. The men who overcame him and drove him out represent at least the fierce passion of reconstruction which lies at the very heart of liberty; and so long as they represent, however imperfectly, such a struggle for deliverance, I am ready to serve their ends when I can. So long as the power of recognition rests with me the Government of the United States will refuse to extend the hand of welcome to any one who obtains power in a sister republic by treachery and violence. No permanency can be given the affairs of any republic by a title based upon intrigue and assassination. I declared that to be the policy of this Administration within three weeks after I assumed the presidency. I here again vow it. I am more interested in the fortunes of oppressed men and pitiful women and children than in any property rights whatever. Mistakes I have no doubt made in this perplexing business, but not in purpose or object.\nMore is involved than the immediate destinies of Mexico and the relations of the United States with a distressed and distracted people. All America looks on. Test is now being made of us whether we be sincere lovers of popular liberty or not and are indeed to be trusted to respect national sovereignty among our weaker neighbors. We have undertaken these many years to play big brother to the republics of this hemisphere. This is the day of our test whether we mean, or have ever meant, to play that part for our own benefit wholly or also for theirs. Upon the outcome of that test (its outcome in their minds, not in ours) depends every relationship of the United States with Latin America, whether in politics or in commerce and enterprise. These are great issues and lie at the heart of the gravest tasks of the future, tasks both economic and political and very intimately inwrought with many of the most vital of the new issues of the politics of the world. The republics of America have in the last three years been drawing together in a new spirit of accommodation, mutual understanding, and cordial cooperation. Much of the politics of the world in the years to come will depend upon their relationships with one another. It is a barren and provincial statesmanship that loses sight of such things!\nThe future, the immediate future, will bring us squarely face to face with many great and exacting problems which will search us through and through whether we be able and ready to play the part in the world that we mean to play. It will not bring us into their presence slowly, gently, with ceremonious introduction, but suddenly and at once, the moment the war in Europe is over. They will be new problems, most of them; many will be old problems in a new setting and with new elements which we have never dealt with or reckoned the force and meaning of before. They will require for their solution new thinking, fresh courage and resourcefulness, and in some matters radical reconsiderations of policy. We must be ready to mobilize our resources alike of brains and of materials.\nIt is not a future to be afraid of. It is, rather, a future to stimulate and excite us to the display of the best powers that are in us. We may enter it with confidence when we are sure that we understand it, and we have provided ourselves already with the means of understanding it.\nLook first at what it will be necessary that the nations of the world should do to make the days to come tolerable and fit to live and work in; and then look at our part in what is to follow and our own duty of preparation. For we must be prepared both in resources and in policy.\nThere must be a just and settled peace, and we here in America must contribute the full force of our enthusiasm and of our authority as a nation to the organization of that peace upon world-wide foundations that cannot easily be shaken. No nation should be forced to take sides in any quarrel in which its own honor and integrity and the fortunes of its own people are not involved; but no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any wilful disturbance of the peace of the world. The effects of war can no longer be confined to the areas of battle. No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interests of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril. If hopeful and generous enterprise is to be renewed, if the healing and helpful arts of life are indeed to be revived when peace comes again, a new atmosphere of justice and friendship must be generated by means the world has never tried before. The nations of the world must unite in joint guarantees that whatever is done to disturb the whole world\'s life must first be tested in the court of the whole world\'s opinion before it is attempted.\nThese are the new foundations the world must build for itself, and we must play our part in the reconstruction, generously and without too much thought of our separate interests. We must make ourselves ready to play it intelligently, vigorously, and well.\nOne of the contributions we must make to the world\'s peace is this: We must see to it that the people in our insular possessions are treated in their own lands as we would treat them here, and make the rule of the United States mean the same thing everywhere, the same justice, the same consideration for the essential rights of men.\nBesides contributing our ungrudging moral and practical support to the establishment of peace throughout the world we must actively and intelligently prepare ourselves to do our full service in the trade and industry which are to sustain and develop the life of the nations in the days to come.\nWe have already been provident in this great matter and supplied ourselves with the instrumentalities of prompt adjustment. We have created, in the Federal Trade Commission, a means of inquiry and of accommodation in the field of commerce which ought both to coordinate the enterprises of our traders and manufacturers and to remove the barriers of misunderstanding and of a too technical interpretation of the law. In the new Tariff Commission we have added another instrumentality of observation and adjustment which promises to be immediately serviceable. The Trade Commission substitutes counsel and accommodation for the harsher processes of legal restraint, and the Tariff Commission ought to substitute facts for prejudices and theories. Our exporters have for some time had the advantage of working in the new light thrown upon foreign markets and opportunities of trade by the intelligent inquiries and activities of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce which the Democratic Congress so wisely created in 1912. The Tariff Commission completes the machinery by which we shall be enabled to open up our legislative policy to the facts as they develop.\nWe can no longer indulge our traditional provincialism. We are to play a leading part in the world drama whether we wish it or not. We shall lend, not borrow; act for ourselves, not imitate or follow; organize and initiate, not peep about merely to see where we may get in.\nWe have already formulated and agreed upon a policy of law which will explicitly remove the ban now supposed to rest upon cooperation amongst our exporters in seeking and securing their proper place in the markets of the world. The field will be free, the instrumentalities at hand. It will only remain for the masters of enterprise amongst us to act in energetic concert, and for the Government of the United States to insist upon the maintenance throughout the world of those conditions of fairness and of even-handed justice in the commercial dealings of the nations with one another upon which, after all, in the last analysis, the peace and ordered life of the world must ultimately depend.\nAt home also we must see to it that the men who plan and develop and direct our business enterprises shall enjoy definite and settled conditions of law, a policy accommodated to the freest progress. We have set the just and necessary limits. We have put all kinds of unfair competition under the ban and penalty of the law. We have barred monopoly. These fatal and ugly things being excluded, we must now quicken action and facilitate enterprise by every just means within our choice. There will be peace in the business world, and, with peace, revived confidence and life.\nWe ought both to husband and to develop our natural resources, our mines, our forests, our water power. I wish we could have made more progress than we have made in this vital matter; and I call once more, with the deepest earnestness and solicitude, upon the advocates of a careful and provident conservation, on the one hand, and the advocates of a free and inviting field for private capital, on the other, to get together in a spirit of genuine accommodation and agreement and set this great policy forward at once.\nWe must hearten and quicken the spirit and efficiency of labor throughout our whole industrial system by everywhere and in all occupations doing justice to the laborer, not only by paying a living wage but also by making all the conditions that surround labor what they ought to be. And we must do more than justice. We must safeguard life and promote health and safety in every occupation in which they are threatened or imperilled. That is more than justice, and better, because it is humanity and economy.\nWe must coordinate the railway systems of the country for national use, and must facilitate and promote their development with a view to that coordination and to their better adaptation as a whole to the life and trade and defense of the nation. The life and industry of the country can be free and unhampered only if these arteries are open, efficient, and complete.\nThus shall we stand ready to meet the future as circumstance and international policy effect their unfolding, whether the changes come slowly or come fast and without preface.\nI have not spoken explicitly, Gentlemen, of the platform adopted at St. Louis; but it has been implicit in all that I have said. I have sought to interpret its spirit and meaning. The people of the United States do not need to be assured now that that platform is a definite pledge, a practical program. We have proved to them that our promises are made to be kept.\nWe hold very definite ideals. We believe that the energy and initiative of our people have been too narrowly coached and superintended; that they should be set free, as we have set them free, to disperse themselves throughout the nation; that they should not be concentrated in the hands of a few powerful guides and guardians, as our opponents have again and again, in effect if not in purpose, sought to concentrate them. We believe, moreover, who that looks about him now with comprehending eye can fail to believe? that the day of Little Americanism, with its narrow horizons, when methods of \"protection\" and industrial nursing were the chief study of our provincial statesmen, are past and gone and that a day of enterprise has at last dawned for the United States whose field is the wide world.\nWe hope to see the stimulus of that new day draw all America, the republics of both continents, on to a new life and energy and initiative in the great affairs of peace. We are Americans for Big America, and rejoice to look forward to the days in which America shall strive to stir the world without irritating it or drawing it on to new antagonisms, when the nations with which we deal shall at last come to see upon what deep foundations of humanity and justice our passion for peace rests, and when all mankind shall look upon our great people with a new sentiment of admiration, friendly rivalry and real affection, as upon a people who, though keen to succeed, seeks always to be at once generous and just and to whom humanity is dearer than profit or selfish power.\nUpon this record and in the faith of this purpose we go to the 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the steps of this Capitol, where twenty-five years ago I first came into the service of the State, I receive my party\'s summons to lead it in the nation. Within this building, I learned the principles, the purposes and the functions of government and to know that the greatest privilege that can come to any man is to give himself to a nation which has reared him and raised him from obscurity to be a contender for the highest office in the gift of its people.\nHere I confirmed my faith in the principles of the Democratic Party so eloquently defined by Woodrow Wilson: \"First, the people as the source and their interests and desires as the text of laws and institutions. Second, individual liberty as the objective of all law.\" With a gratitude too strong for words and with humble reliance upon the aid of Divine Providence, I accept your summons to the wider field of action.\nGovernment should be constructive, not destructive; progressive, not reactionary. I am entirely unwilling to accept the old order of things as the best unless and until I become convinced that it cannot be made better.\nIt is our new world theory that government exists for the people as against the old world conception that the people exist for the government. A sharp line separates those who believe that an elect class should be the special object of the government\'s concern and those who believe that the government is the agent and servant of the people who create it. Dominant in the Republican Party today is the element which proclaims and executes the political theories against which the party liberals like Roosevelt and La Follette and their party insurgents have rebelled. This reactionary element seeks to vindicate the theory of benevolent oligarchy. It assumes that a material prosperity, the very existence of which is challenged, is an excuse for political inequality. It makes the concern of the government, not people, but material things.\nI have fought this spirit in my own State. I have had to fight it and to beat it, in order to place upon the statute books every one of the progressive, humane laws for whose enactment I assumed responsibility in my legislative and executive career. I shall know how to fight it in the nation.\nIt is a fallacy that there is inconsistency between progressive measures protecting the rights of the people, including the poor and the weak, and a just regard for the rights of legitimate business, great or small. Therefore, while I emphasize my belief that legitimate business promotes the national welfare, let me warn the forces of corruption and favoritism, that Democratic victory means that they will be relegated to the rear and the front seats will be occupied by the friends of equal opportunity.\nLikewise, government policy should spring from the deliberate action of an informed electorate. Of all men, I have reason to believe that the people can and do grasp the problems of the government. Against the opposition of the self-seeker and the partisan, again and again, I have seen legislation won by the pressure of popular demand, exerted after the people had had an honest, frank and complete explanation of the issues. Great questions of finance, the issuance of millions of dollars of bonds for public projects, the complete reconstruction of the machinery of the State government, the institution of an executive budget, these are but a few of the complicated questions which I, myself, have taken to the electorate. Every citizen has thus learned the nature of the business in hand and appreciated that the State\'s business is his business.\nThat direct contact with the people I propose to continue in this campaign and, if I am elected, in the conduct of the nation\'s affairs. I shall thereby strive to make the nation\'s policy the true reflection of the nation\'s ideals. Because I believe in the idealism of the party of Jefferson, Cleveland, and Wilson, my administration will be rooted in liberty under the law; liberty that means freedom to the individual to follow his own will so long as he does not harm his neighbor; the same high moral purpose in our conduct as a nation that actuates the conduct of the God-fearing man and woman; that equality of opportunity which lays the foundation for wholesome family life and opens up the outlook for the betterment of the lives of our children.\nIn the rugged honesty of Grover Cleveland there originated one of our party\'s greatest principles: \"Public office is a public trust.\" That principle now takes on new meaning. Political parties are the vehicle for carrying out the popular will. We place responsibility upon the party. The Republican Party today stands responsible for the widespread dishonesty that has honeycombed its administration.\nDuring the last presidential campaign the Republican managers were partially successful in leading the American people to believe that these sins should be charged against the individual rather than against the party. The question of personal guilt has now been thoroughly disposed of and in its place, challenging the wisdom and good judgment of the American people, is the unquestioned evidence of party guilt.\nThe Democratic Party asks the electorate to withdraw their confidence from the Republican Party and repose it with the Democratic Party pledged to continue those standards of unblemished integrity which characterized every act of the administration of Woodrow Wilson.\nBut I would not rest our claim for the confidence of the American people alone upon the misdeeds of the opposite party. Ours must be a constructive campaign.\nThe Republican Party builds its case upon a myth. We are told that only under the benevolent administration of that party can the country enjoy prosperity. When four million men, desirous to work and support their families, are unable to secure employment there is very little in the picture of prosperity to attract them and the millions dependent upon them.\nIn the year 1926, the latest figures available show that one-twentieth of one per cent of the 430,000 corporations in this country earned 40 per cent of their profits; 40 per cent of the corporations actually lost money; one-fourth of 1 per cent of these corporations earned two-thirds of the profits of all of them. Specific industries are wholly prostrate and there is widespread business difficulty and discontent among the individual business men of the country.\nProsperity to the extent that we have it is unduly concentrated and has not equitably touched the lives of the farmer, the wage-earner and the individual business man. The claim of governmental economy is as baseless as the claims that general business prosperity exists and that it can exist only under Republican administration.\nWhen the Republican Party came into power in 1921 it definitely promised reorganization of the machinery of government, and abolition or consolidation of unnecessary and overlapping agencies. A Committee was appointed. A representative of the President acted as Chairman. It prepared a plan of reorganization. The plan was filed in the archives. It still remains there. After seven years of Republican control the structure of government is worse than it was in 1921. It is fully as bad as the system which existed in New York State before we secured by constitutional amendment the legislation which consolidated more than one hundred offices, commissions and boards into eighteen coordinated departments, each responsible to the Governor. In contrast with this, the Republican Party in control at Washington when faced with the alternative of loss of patronage for faithful or more efficient and economical management of the government permitted the old order to continue for the benefit of the patronage seekers.\nThe appropriations for independent bureaus and offices not responsible to any cabinet officer increased from $3,400,000 in 1914 to $163,000,000 in 1921, and to $556,000,000 in 1928. No wonder that a cabinet officer of the Republican President of 1921 said \"if you could visualize the government as a business or administrative unit, you would see something like one of those grotesque spectacles of a big oyster shell to which in the course of years, big and irregular masses of barnacles have attached themselves without symmetry or relevancy.\" And the Chamber of Commerce of the United States said in its annual report this year: \"No progress has been made on the plan of reorganization of the government\'s departments as advocated by the Chamber.\" The administration spokesman answers only: \"We have given an economical administration,\" and that has been repeated so often that some people begin to believe it without the slightest proof. I assert that there is no proof.\nThe appropriation bills signed by the President of the United States for the last year are just one-half a billion dollars more than they were for the first year of his administration. The appropriations for the Executive Department itself (The President and Vice-President) have increased more than 10 per cent under President Coolidge.\nThe figures for expenditure as distinguished from appropriations tell the same story. Aside from interest on the public debt which has been reduced by retirement of bonds or by refinancing at lower interest rate, the actual expenditures for governmental activities during the fiscal year ending in 1928 were just $346,000,000 more than in President Coolidge\'s first year.\nIf the defenders of the administration answer that taxes have been reduced, they find themselves in a similar dilemma. The total taxes collected are $24,000,000 more than in the first year of the Coolidge administration. While tax rates have been reduced and some war-time taxes abandoned, the government actually took from the people in income taxes $383,000,000 more during the last fiscal year than during the first year of the Coolidge administration. And even these reductions in tax rates have been brought about primarily because the administration has committed the government to appropriations authorized but not made, amounting approximately to one billion dollars, which is an obligation that is being passed on to succeeding administrations. I wish to focus the public attention on these fundamental facts and figures when it is fed with picturesque trifles about petty economies, such as eliminating stripes from mail bags and extinguishing electric lights in the offices at night.\nWith this has gone a governmental policy of refusal to make necessary expenditures for purposes which would have effected a real economy. The Postmaster-General states that there was a large annual waste in the handling of mail, resulting from lack of modern facilities and equipment. Scarcely a large city in the country has adequate quarters for the transaction of Federal business. The government pays rent in the city of Washington alone of more than one million dollars annually. It is estimated that the government is paying rentals of twenty million dollars in the nation. True economy would be effected by the erection of Federal buildings, especially in the numerous instances where sites acquired many years ago have been left vacant because the administration did not desire to have these expenditures appear in the budget. It is not economy to refuse to spend money and to have our soldiers living in barracks which the Chief of Staff of the Army recently stated were indecent and below the standard for the meanest type of housing permitted anywhere. And the wise, properly timed construction of needed public improvements would substantially tend to lessen the evils of unemployment.\nIf the people commission me to do it, I shall with the aid of the Congress effect a real reorganization and consolidation of governmental activities upon a business basis and institute the real economy which comes from prudent expenditure. I shall aid programs for the relief of unemployment, recognizing its deep, human and social significance and shall strive to accomplish a national well-being resting upon the prosperity of the individual men and women who constitute the nation.\nActing upon the principle of \"Equal opportunity for all, special privileges for none,\" I shall ask Congress to carry out the tariff declaration of our platform. To be sure the Republican Party will attempt in the campaign to misrepresent Democratic attitude to the tariff. The Democratic Party does not and under my leadership will not advocate any sudden or drastic revolution in our economic system which would cause business unheaval and popular distress. This principle was recognized as far back as the passage of the Underwood Tariff Bill. Our platform restates it in unmistakable language. The Democratic Party stands squarely for the maintenance of legitimate business and high standard of wages for American labor. Both can be maintained and at the same time the tariff can be taken out of the realm of politics and treated on a strictly business basis.\nA leading Republican writing in criticism of the present tariff law, said: \"It stands as one of the most ill drawn pieces of legislation in recent political history. It is probably near the actual truth to say that taking for granted some principle of protection of American business and industry, the country has prospered due to post-war conditions abroad and in spite of, rather than on account of, the Fordney-McCumber tariff.\" What I have just quoted is no part of a campaign document. It was written a few months ago by Professor William Starr Myers of Princeton University, writing the history of his own party.\nAgainst the practice of legislative log-rolling, Woodrow Wilson pointed the way to a remedy. It provided for the creation and maintenance of a non-political, quasi-judicial, fact-finding commission which could investigate and advise the President and Congress as to the tariff duties really required to protect American industry and safeguard the high standard of American wages. In an administration anxious to meet political obligations, the Commission has ceased to function and it has been publicly stated by former members of it that the work of the Commission has been turned over to the advocates of special interests. To bring this about, it is a matter of record that the President demanded the undated resignation of one of its members before he signed his appointment.\nI shall restore this Commission to the high level upon which President Wilson placed it, in order that, properly manned, it may produce the facts that will enable us to ascertain how we may increase the purchasing power of everybody\'s income or wages by the adjustment of those schedules which are now the result of log-rolling and which upon their face are extortion-ate and unnecessary.\nPay no attention to the Republican propaganda and accept my assurance as the leader of our Party that Democratic tariff legislation will be honest. It will play no favorites. It will do justice to every element in the Nation.\nThe Constitution provides that treaties with foreign powers must be ratified by a vote of two-thirds of the Senate. This is a legal recognition of the truth that in our foreign relations we must rise above party politics and act as a united nation. Any foreign policy must have its roots deep in the approval of a very large majority of our people. Therefore, no greater service was ever rendered by any President than by Woodrow Wilson when he struck at the methods of secret diplomacy. Today we have close relations, vital to our commercial and world standing, with every other nation. I regard it, therefore, as a paramount duty to keep alive the interest of our people in these questions, and to advise the electorate as to facts and policies.\nThrough a long line of distinguished Secretaries of State, Republican and Democratic alike, this country had assumed a position of world leadership in the endeavor to outlaw war and substitute reason for force. At the end of President Wilson\'s administration we enjoyed not only the friendship but the respectful admiration of the peoples of the world. Today we see unmistakable evidences of a widespread distrust of us and unfriendliness to us, particularly among our Latin American neighbors.\nI especially stress the necessity for the restoration of cordial relations with Latin America and I take my text from a great Republican Secretary of State, Elihu Root, who said: \"We consider that the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations deserve as much respect as those of the great empires. We pretend to no right, privilege or power that we do not freely concede to each one of the American Republics.\"\nThe present administration has been false to that declaration of one of its greatest party leaders. The situation in Nicaragua fairly exemplifies our departure from this high standard. The administration has intervened in an election dispute between two conflicting factions, sent our troops into Nicaragua , maintained them there for years, and this without the consent of Congress. To settle this internal dispute, our marines have died and hundreds of Nicaraguans in turn have been killed by our marines. Without consultation with Congress, the administration entered on this long continued occupation of the territory of a supposedly friendly nation by our armed troops.\nTo no declaration of our platform do I more heartily commit myself than the one for the abolition of the practice of the President of entering into agreements for the settlement of internal disputes in Latin American countries, unless the agreements have been consented to by the Senate as provided for in the Constitution of the United States. I personally declare what the platform declares: \"Interference in the purely internal affairs of Latin American countries must cease\" and I specifically pledge myself to follow this declaration with regard to Mexico as well as the other Latin American countries.\nThe Monroe Doctrine must be maintained but not as a pretext for meddling with the purely local concerns of countries which even though they be small are sovereign and entitled to demand and receive respect for their sovereignty. And I shall certainly do all that lies in my power to bring about the fullest concerted action between this country and all the Latin American countries with respect to any step which it may ever be necessary to take to discharge such responsibilities to civilization as may be placed upon us by the Monroe Doctrine.\nThe evil effect of the administration\'s policy with respect to Latin America has extended to our relations with the rest of the world. I am not one of those who contend that everything Republican is bad and everything Democratic is good. I approve the effort to renew and extend the arbitration treaties negotiated under the administration of President Wilson. But the usefulness of those treaties as deterrents of war is materially impaired by the reservations asserted by various nations of the right to wage defensive wars as those reservations are interpreted in the light of President Coolidge\'s record. Defending his policies he announced on April 25, 1927, the doctrine that the person and property of a citizen are a part of the national domain, even when abroad. I do not think the American people would approve a doctrine which would give to Germany, or France, or England, or any other country, the right to regard a citizen of that country or the property of a citizen of that country situated within the borders of the United States a part of the national domain of the foreign country. Our unwarranted intervention in internal affairs in Latin America and this specious reason for it constitute the basis upon which other countries may seek to justify imperialistic policies which threaten world peace and materially lessen the effectiveness which might otherwise lie in the multilateral treaties.\nThe real outlawry of war must come from a more substantial endeavor to remove the causes of war and in this endeavor the Republican administration has signally failed. I am neither militarist nor jingo. I believe that the people of this country wish to live in peace and amity with the world. Freedom from entangling alliances is a fixed American policy. It does not mean, however, that great nations should not behave to one another with the same decent friendliness and fair play that self-respecting men and women show to one another.\nIn 1921 there was negotiated a treaty for the limitation of the construction of battleships and battle cruisers of over ten thousand tons. It was approved without party dispute as a start of the process of removing from the backs of the toiling masses of the world the staggering burden of the hundreds of millions of dollars that are wrung from them every year for wasteful transformation into engines of destruction. For seven years the Republican administration has followed it with nothing effective. No limitation has been placed upon land armaments, submarines, vessels of war of under ten thousand tons displacement, poisonous gases or any of the other machinery devised by man for the destruction of human life. In this respect our diplomacy has been futile.\nI believe the American people desire to assume their fair share of responsibility for the administration of a world of which they are a part, without political alliance with any foreign nation. I pledge myself to a resumption of a real endeavor to make the outlawry of war effective by removing its causes and to substitute the methods of conciliation, conference, arbitration and judicial determination.\nThe President of the United States has two constitutional duties with respect to prohibition. The first is embodied in his oath of office. If, with one hand on the Bible and the other hand reaching up to Heaven, I promise the people of this country that \"I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States,\" you may be sure that I shall live up to that oath to the last degree. I shall to the very limit execute the pledge of our platform \"to make an honest endeavor to enforce the 18th Amendment and all other provisions of the Federal Constitution and all laws enacted pursuant thereto.\"\nThe President does not make the laws. He does his best to execute them whether he likes them or not. The corruption in enforcement activities which caused a former Republican Prohibition Administrator to state that three-fourths of the dry agents were political ward heelers named by politicians without regard to Civil Service laws and that prohibition is the \"new political pork barrel,\" I will ruthlessly stamp out. Such conditions can not and will not exist under any administration presided over by me.\nThe second constitutional duty imposed upon the President is \"To recommend to the Congress such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.\" Opinion upon prohibition cuts squarely across the two great political parties. There are thousands of so-called \"wets\" and \"drys\" in each. The platform of my party is silent upon any question of change in the law. I personally believe that there should be change and I shall advise the Congress in accordance with my constitutional duty of whatever changes I deem \"necessary or expedient.\" It will then be for the people and the representatives in the national and State legislatures to determine whether these changes shall be made.\nI will state the reasons for my belief. In a book \"Law and its Origin,\" recently called to my notice, James C. Carter, one of the leaders of the bar of this country, wrote of the conditions which exist \"when a law is made declaring conduct widely practiced and widely regarded as innocent to be a crime.\" He points out that in the enforcement of such a law \"trials become scenes of perjury and subornation of perjury; juries find abundant excuses for rendering acquittal or persisting in disagreement contrary to their oaths\" and he concludes \"Perhaps worst of all is that general regard and reverence for law are impaired, a consequence the mischief of which can scarcely be estimated.\" These words written years before the 18th Amendment or the Volstead Act were prophetic of our situation today.\nI believe in temperance. We have not achieved temperance under the present system. The mothers and fathers of young men and women throughout this land know the anxiety and worry which has been brought to them by their children\'s use of liquor in a way which was unknown before prohibition. I believe in reverence for law. Today disregard of the prohibition laws is insidiously sapping respect for all law. I raise, therefore, what I profoundly believe to be a great moral issue involving the righteousness of our national conduct and the protection of our children\'s morals.\nThe remedy, as I have stated, is the fearless application of Jeffersonian principles. Jefferson and his followers foresaw the complex activities of this great, widespread country. They knew that in rural, sparsely settled districts people would develop different desires and customs from those in densely populated sections and that if we were to be a nation united on truly national matters, there had to be a differentialion in local laws to allow for different local habits. It was for this reason that the Democratic platform in 1884 announced \"We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizens and interfere with individual liberty,\" and it was for this reason that Woodrow Wilson vetoed the Volstead Act.\nIn accordance with this Democratic principle, some immediate relief would come from an amendment to the Volstead Law giving a scientific definition of the alcoholic content of an intoxicating beverage. The present definition is admittedly inaccurate and unscientific. Each State would then be allowed to fix its own standard of alcoholic content, subject always to the proviso that that standard could not exceed the maximum fixed by the Congress.\nI believe moreover that there should be submitted to the people the question of some change in the provisions of the 18th Amendment. Certainly, no one foresaw when the amendment was ratified the conditions which exist today of bootlegging, corruption and open violation of the law in all parts of the country. The people themselves should after this eight years of trial, be permitted to say whether existing conditions should be rectified. I personally believe in an amendment in the 18th Amendment which would give to each individual State itself only after approval by a referendum popular vote of its people the right wholly within its borders to import, manufacture or cause to be manufactured and sell alcoholic beverages, the sale to be made only by the State itself and not for consumption in any public place. We may well learn from the experience of other nations. Our Canadian neighbors have gone far in this manner to solve this problem by the method of sale made by the state itself and not by private individuals.\nThere is no question here of the return of the saloon. When I stated that the saloon \"is and ought to be a defunct institution in this country\" I meant it. I mean it today. I will never advocate nor approve any law which directly or indirectly permits the return of the saloon.\nSuch a change would preserve for the dry states the benefit of a national law that would continue to make interstate shipment of intoxicating beverages a crime. It would preserve for the dry states Federal enforcement of prohibition within their own borders. It would permit to citizens of other states a carefully limited and controlled method of effectuating the popular will wholly within the borders of those states without the old evil of the saloon.\nSuch a method would re-establish respect for law and terminate the agitation which has injected discord into the ranks of the great political parties which should be standing for the accomplishment of fundamental programs for the nation. I may fairly say even to those who disagree with me that the solution I offer is one based upon the historic policy of the Democratic Party, to assure to each State its complete right of local self-government. I believe it is a solution which would today be offered by Jefferson, or Jackson or Cleveland or Wilson, if those great leaders were with us.\nPublicity agents of the Republican administration have written so many articles on our general prosperity, that they have prevented the average man from having a proper appreciation of the degree of distress existing today among farmers and stockraisers. From 1910 to the present time the farm debt has increased by the striking sum of ten billions of dollars, or from four billion to fourteen billion dollars. The value of farm property between 1920 and 1925 decreased by twenty billions of dollars. This depression made itself felt in an enormous increase of bank failures in the agricultural districts. In 1927 there were 830 bank failures, with total liabilities of over 270 millions of dollars, almost entirely in the agricultural sections, as against 49 such failures during the last year of President Wilson\'s administration.\nThe report of November 17, 1927, of a Special Committee of the Association of Land Grant Colleges and Universities states: \"Incomes from farming since 1920 have not been sufficient to pay a fair return on the current value of capital used and a fair wage for the farmer\'s labor, or to permit farm people to maintain a standard of living comparable with other groups of like ability.\" The Business Men\'s Commission on Agriculture said in November, 1927, \"Since the war, the prices of farm products have persisted in an uneconomic and unfavorable adjustment to the general scale of prices of other goods and services;\" and \"the disparity between urban and farm incomes has emphasized the disparity in standards of living in the rural and urban populations.\" \"The value of farm land and farm property decreased heavily in the post-war deflation\" and \"large numbers of farmers have lost all their property in this process.\"\nWe have not merely a problem of helping the farmer. While agriculture is one of the most individualized and independent of enterprises, still as the report of the Business Men\'s Commission points out, \"Agriculture is essentially a public function, affected with a clear and unquestionable public interest.\" The country is an economic whole. If the buying power of agriculture is impaired, the farmer makes fewer trips to Main street. The shop owner suffers because he has lost a large part of this trade. The manufacturer who supplies him likewise suffers as does the wage earner, because the manufacturer is compelled to curtail his production. And the banker cannot collect his debts or safely extend further credit. This country cannot be a healthy, strong economic body if one of its members, so fundamentally important as agriculture, is sick almost to the point of economic death.\nThe normal market among the farmers of this country for the products of industry is ten billions of dollars. Our export market according to latest available figures is, exclusive of agricultural products, approximately one billion, six hundred millions of dollars. These large figures furnish striking indication of the serious blow to national prosperity as a whole which is struck when the buying power of the farmer is paralyzed.\nWhen, therefore, I say that I am in accord with our platform declaration that the solution of this problem must be a prime and immediate concern of the Democratic administration, I make no class appeal. I am stating a proposition as vital to the welfare of business as of agriculture.\nWith the exception of the administrations of Cleveland and Wilson, the government of this country has been in Republican hands for half a century. For nearly eight years the President and Congress have been Republican. What has been done to solve this problem? Many promises were made which have never been fulfilled. Certainly the promise of relief by tariff has not been fulfilled.\nThe tariff is ineffective on commodities of which there is exportable surplus without controlled sale of the surplus. Our platform points the way to make the tariff effective for crops of which we produce a surplus. There has been government interference with laws of supply and demand to benefit industry, commerce and finance. It has been one-sided because business, industry and finance would have been helped more if proper attention had been given to the condition of agriculture. Nothing of substance has been done to bring this basic part of our national life into conformity with the economic system that has been set up by law. Government should interfere as little as possible with business. But if it does interfere with one phase of economic life, be it by tariff, by assistance to merchant marine, by control of the flow of money and capital through the banking system, it is bad logic, bad economics and an abandonment of government responsibility to say that as to agriculture alone, the government should not aid.\nTwice a Republican Congress has passed legislation only to have it vetoed by a President of their own party, and whether the veto of that specific measure was right or wrong, it is undisputed that no adequate substitute was ever recommended to the Congress by the President and that no constructive plan of relief was ever formulated by any leader of the Republican Party in place of the plan which its Congress passed and its President vetoed. Only caustic criticism and bitter denunciation were provoked in the minds of the Republican leaders in answer to the nation-wide appeal for a sane endeavor to meet this crisis.\nCooperative, coordinated marketing and warehousing of surplus farm products is essential just as coordinated, cooperative control of the flow of capital was found necessary to the regulation of our country\'s finances. To accomplish financial stability, the Federal Reserve System was called into being by a Democratic administration. The question for agriculture is complex. Any plan devised must also be coordinated with the other phases of our business institutions. Our platform declares for the development of cooperative marketing and an earnest endeavor to solve the problem of the distribution of the cost of dealing with crop surpluses over the marketed unit of the crop whose producers are benefited by such assistance. Only the mechanics remain to be devised. I propose to substitute action for inaction and friendliness for hostility. In my administration of the government of my State, whenever I was confronted with a problem of this character, I called into conference those best equipped on the particular subject in hand. I shall follow that course with regard to agriculture. Farmers and farm leaders with such constructive aid as will come from sound economists and fair minded leaders of finance and business must work out the detail. There are varying plans for the attainment of the end which is to be accomplished. Such plans should be subjected at once to searching, able and fair minded analysis, because the interests of all require that the solution shall be economically sound.\nIf I am elected, I shall immediately after election ask leaders of the type I have named irrespective of party to enter upon this task. I shall join with them in the discharge of their duties during the coming winter and present to Congress immediately upon its convening, the solution recommended by the body of men best fitted to render this signal service to the nation. I shall support the activities of this body until a satisfactory law is placed upon the statute books.\nAdequate distribution is necessary to bring a proper return to production. Increased efficiency of railroad transportation and terminal handling means lowering of cost which in turn reflects itself in the form of increased purchasing power through reduction in the cost of everyday necessities of life.\nNor do railroads exhaust means of transportation. I believe in encouraging the construction and use of modern highways to carry the short haul of small bulk commodities and to aid in effective marketing of farm products.\nOf great importance and still in a highly undeveloped state are our transportation routes by waterways. Commodities of great bulk, where the freight cost is a large part of the cost to the ultimate consumer, are among the least profitable to railroads to carry and lend themselves most readily to water transportation.\nCertain areas of our country are deeply interested in opening up a direct route from the middle west to the sea by way of the Great Lakes and adjacent waterways. Controversy has arisen over the relative merits of the St. Lawrence route or the All-American route. As Governor of New York, I have heretofore expressed a preference for the All-American route, basing my view on engineers\' reports made to me. The correctness of these reports and also of those favoring the St. Lawrence route has been challenged. As President of the United States, therefore, it would be my clear duty to restudy this question impartially upon engineers\' reports the accuracy of which must be above question. When the results of such a study are given to Congress, I am entirely willing to abide by the decision of Congress.\nWith the development of inland waterways goes the control of floods thereon. The Mississippi flood of last year brought home to the nation the imperative need for a national policy of flood control. The last two administrations waited for this calamity and for universal demand that something be done instead of taking leadership in this important work. Forethought, courage, and leadership and knowledge of what real ultimate economy means would have done much to prevent this calamity with its ensuing waste and misery. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of first aid and relief. In the last Congress the Reid-Jones Bill laid down sound lines for the solution of this great problem. The policy thus initiated for the Mississippi must be carried through. The money actually appropriated for flood relief is too small to make even a start. Too much time has been spent in squabbling over who shall pay the bill.\nThe Mississippi river and its tributaries constitute a great network of waterways flowing through a large number of States. Much more than flood control is involved. Fullest development of the Mississippi river and its tributaries as arteries of commerce should be the goal.\nWide possibilities for public good are latent in what remains of our natural resources. I pledge myself to a progressive liberal conservation policy based upon the same principles to which I have given my support in the State of New York, and to fight against selfish aggression in this field wherever it appears and irrespective of whom it may involve. No nation in history has been more careless about the conservation of natural resources than has ours. We have denuded our forests. We have been slow to reclaim lands for development and have allowed to run to waste or have given to private exploitation our public waters with their great potential power for the development of electrical energy.\nThe value of this heritage can best be measured when we consider the recent disclosures of the methods employed by private monopolies to wrest our remaining water powers from public control.\nNo more dishonest or unpatriotic propaganda has ever been seen in this country than that disclosed by the investigation into the methods of certain utility corporations. Private corporations to gain control of public resources have procured the writing of textbooks for the public schools; have subsidized lecturers pretending to give to the country their own honest and unbiased advice; have employed as their agents former public officials and have endeavored to mislead public opinion by the retention of the services of leaders of the community in various parts of the country. Highly paid lobbyists, penetrated into every State and into the legislative halls of the nation itself.\nAs against propaganda, it is the duty of the Democratic Party to set up truth. The ownership of some of these great water powers is in the nation, of others in the several states. These sources of water power must remain forever under public ownership and control. Where they are owned by the Federal Government, they should remain under Federal control. Where they are owned by an individual State, they should be under the control of that State, or where they are owned by States jointly, they should be under the control of those States.\nWherever the development, the government agency, State or Federal as the case may be, must retain through contractual agreement with the distributing companies the right to provide fair and reasonable rates to the ultimate consumer and the similar right to insist upon fair and equal distribution of the power. This can be secured only by the absolute retention by the people of the ownership of the power by owning and controlling the site and plant at the place of generation. The government -- Federal, State or the authority representing joint States -- must control the switch that turns on or off the power so greedily sought by certain private groups without the least regard for the public good.\nI shall carry into Federal administration the same policy which I have maintained against heavy odds in my own State. Under no circumstances should private monopoly be permitted to capitalize for rate-making purposes water power sites that are the property of the people themselves. It is to me unthinkable that the government of the United States or any State thereof will permit either direct or indirect alienation of water power sites.\nElectrical energy generated from water power as an incident to the regulation of the flow of the Colorado river is the common heritage of all the States through which the river flows. The benefits growing from such development should be equitably distributed among the States having right of ownership. The duty of the Federal Government is confined to navigation. I am of the opinion that the best results would flow from the setting up of a Colorado River Authority, representative equally of all the States concerned. The development should be by the States through the agency of this authority by treaty ratified by Congress.\nIt will be the policy of my administration while retaining government ownership and control, to develop a method of operation for Muscle Shoals which will reclaim for the government some fair revenue from the enormous expenditure already made for its development and which is now a complete waste. In this way the original peace-time purpose of the construction of this plant will be achieved. The nation will be reimbursed, agriculture will be benefited by the cheap production of nitrates for fertilizer and the surplus power will be distributed to the people.\nThe remaining public natural resources now under control of the Federal Government must be administered in the interests of all of the people. Likewise a complete survey and study of the remaining undeveloped public resources of land, coal, oil and other minerals is greatly needed and should be undertaken.\nThe United States because its people use more wood than any other or earth is therefore more dependent on the forest than any other great nation. At the same time we are the most wasteful of all people in the destruction of our forest resources.\nThe use of our national forests for recreation should be greatly extended. I also pledge myself to give the same continuing interest and support to a national park, reforestation and recreation program as have brought about the establishment of a great Conservation and State Park System in the State of New York.\nIt was Grover Cleveland who first made our national forest and conservation policy into a great public question. Theodore Roosevelt followed in his footsteps. What these two men began must be continued and carried forward.\nThe American people constitute a structure of many component parts. One of its foundations is labor. The reasonable contentment of those who toil with the conditions under which they live and work is an essential basis of the nation\'s well-being. The welfare of our country therefore demands governmental concern for the legitimate interest of labor.\nThe Democratic Party has always recognized this fact and under the administration of Woodrow Wilson, a large body of progressive legislation for the protection of those laboring in industry, was enacted. Our platform continues that tradition of the party. We declare for the principle of collective bargaining which alone can put the laborer upon a basis of fair equality with the employer; for the human principle that labor is not a commodity; for fair treatment to government and Federal employees; and for specific and immediate attention to the serious problems of unemployment.\nFrom these premises it was inevitable that our platform should further recognize grave abuses in the issuance of injunctions in labor disputes which threaten the very principle of collective bargaining. Chief Justice Taft in 1919 stated that government of the relations between capital and labor by injunction was an absurdity. Justice Holmes and Justice Brandeis of the United States Supreme Court unite in an opinion which describes the restraints on labor imposed by a Federal injunction as a reminder of involuntary servitude.\nDissatisfaction and social unrest have grown from these abuses and undoubtedly legislation must be framed to meet just causes for complaint in regard to the unwarranted issuance of injunctions.\nThe Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate has already in progress a careful study of this situation. I promise full cooperation to the end that a definite remedy by law be brought forth to end the existing evils and preserve the constitutional guarantees of individual liberty, free assemblage and speech and the rights of peaceful persuasion.\nI shall continue my sympathetic interest in the advancement of progressive legislation for the protection and advancement of working men and women. Promotion of proper care of maternity, infancy and childhood and the encouragement of those scientific activities of the National Government which advance the safeguards of public health, are so fundamental as to need no expression from me other than my record as legislator and as Governor.\nNone can question my respect for and cooperation with the Civil Service nor my interest in proper compensation for government service. I believe in that true equality of women that opens to them without restriction all avenues of opportunity for which they can qualify in business, in government service and in politics.\nI have a full appreciation of what this country owes to our veteran soldiers. I know that when the country called, the veteran came promptly. When the veteran in distress calls to the country, the country should be equally prompt. Red tape and technicalities and autocratic bureaucracy should be brushed aside when the time comes for a grateful American people to recognize its debt to the men who offered themselves in our hour of need.\nDuring all of our national life the freedom of entry to the country has been extended to the millions who desired to take advantage of the freedom and the opportunities offered by America. The rugged qualities of our immigrants have helped to develop our country and their children have taken their places high in the annals of American history.\nEvery race has made its contribution to the betterment of America. While I stand squarely on our platform declaration that the laws which limit immigration must be preserved in full force and effect, I am heartily in favor of removing from the immigration law the harsh provision which separates families, and I am opposed to the principle of restriction based upon the figures of immigrant population contained in a census thirty-eight years old. I believe this is designed to discriminate against certain nationalities, and is an unwise policy. It is in no way essential to a continuance of the restriction advocated in our platform.\nWhile this is a government of laws and not of men, laws do not execute themselves. We must have people of character and outstanding ability to serve the nation. To me one of the greatest elements of satisfaction in my nomination is the fact that I owe it to no one man or set of men. I can with complete honesty make the statement that my nomination was brought about by no promise given or implied by me or any one in my behalf. I will not be influenced in appointments by the question of a person\'s wet or dry attitude, by whether he is rich or poor, whether he comes from the north, south, east or west, or by what church he attends in the worship of God. The sole standard of my appointments will be the same as they have been in my governorship -- integrity of the man or woman and his or her ability to give me the greatest possible aid in devoted service to the people.\nIn this spirit I enter upon the campaign. During its progress I shall talk at length on many of the issues to which I have referred in this acceptance address, as well as other important questions. I shall endeavor to conduct this campaign on the high plane that befits the intelligence of our citizens.\nVictory, simply for the sake of achieving it, is empty. I am entirely satisfied of our success in November because I am sure we are right and therefore sure that our victory means progress for our nation. I am convinced of the wisdom of our platform. I pledge a complete devotion to the welfare of our country and our people. I place that welfare above every other consideration and I am satisfied that our party is in a position to promote it. To that end I here and now declare to my fellow countrymen from one end of the United States to the other, that I will dedicate myself with all the power and energy that I possess to the service of our great 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appreciate your willingness after these six arduous days to remain here, for I know well the sleepless hours which you and I have had. I regret that I am late, but I have no control over the winds of Heaven and could only be thankful for my Navy training.\nThe appearance before a National Convention of its nominee for President, to be formally notified of his selection, is unprecedented and unusual, but these are unprecedented and unusual times. I have started out on the tasks that lie ahead by breaking the absurd traditions that the candidate should remain in professed ignorance of what has happened for weeks until he is formally notified of that event many weeks later.\nMy friends, may this be the symbol of my intention to be honest and to avoid all hypocrisy or sham, to avoid all silly shutting of the eyes to the truth in this campaign. You have nominated me and I know it, and I am here to thank you for the honor.\nLet it also be symbolic that in so doing I broke traditions. Let it be from now on the task of our Party to break foolish traditions. We will break foolish traditions and leave it to the Republican leadership, far more skilled in that art, to break promises.\nLet us now and here highly resolve to resume the country\'s interrupted march along the path of real progress, of real justice, of real equality for all of our citizens, great and small. Our indomitable leader in that interrupted march is no longer with us, but there still survives today his spirit. Many of his captains, thank God, are still with us, to give us wise counsel. Let us feel that in everything we do there still lives with us, if not the body, the great indomitable, unquenchable, progressive soul of our Commander-in-Chief, Woodrow Wilson.\nI have many things on which I want to make my position clear at the earliest possible moment in this campaign. That admirable document, the platform which you have adopted, is clear. I accept it 100 percent.\nAnd you can accept my pledge that I will leave no doubt or ambiguity on where I stand on any question of moment in this campaign.\nAs we enter this new battle, let us keep always present with us some of the ideals of the Party: The fact that the Democratic Party by tradition and by the continuing logic of history, past and present, is the bearer of liberalism and of progress and at the same time of safety to our institutions. And if this appeal fails, remember well, my friends, that a resentment against the failure of Republican leadership--and note well that in this campaign I shall not use the word \"Republican Party,\" but I shall use, day in and day out, the words, \"Republican leadership\"--the failure of Republican leaders to solve our troubles may degenerate into unreasoning radicalism.\nThe great social phenomenon of this depression, unlike others before it, is that it has produced but a few of the disorderly manifestations that too often attend upon such times.\nWild radicalism has made few converts, and the greatest tribute that I can pay to my countrymen is that in these days of crushing want there persists an orderly and hopeful spirit on the part of the millions of our people who have suffered so much. To fail to offer them a new chance is not only to betray their hopes but to misunderstand their patience.\nTo meet by reaction that danger of radicalism is to invite disaster. Reaction is no barrier to the radical. It is a challenge, a provocation. The way to meet that danger is to offer a workable program of reconstruction, and the party to offer it is the party with clean hands.\nThis, and this only, is a proper protection against blind reaction on the one hand and an improvised, hit-or-miss, irresponsible opportunism on the other.\nThere are two ways of viewing the Government\'s duty in matters affecting economic and social life. The first sees to it that a favored few are helped and hopes that some of their prosperity will leak through, sift through, to labor, to the farmer, to the small business man. That theory belongs to the party of Toryism, and I had hoped that most of the Tories left this country in 1776\nBut it is not and never will be the theory of the Democratic Party. This is no time for fear, for reaction or for timidity. Here and now I invite those nominal Republicans who find that their conscience cannot be squared with the groping and the failure of their party leaders to join hands with us; here and now, in equal measure, I warn those nominal Democrats who squint at the future with their faces turned toward the past, and who feel no responsibility to the demands of the new time, that they are out of step with their Party.\nYes, the people of this country want a genuine choice this year, not a choice between two names for the same reactionary doctrine. Ours must be a party of liberal thought, of planned action, of enlightened international outlook, and of the greatest good to the greatest number of our citizens.\nNow it is inevitable--and the choice is that of the times--it is inevitable that the main issue of this campaign should revolve about the clear fact of our economic condition, a depression so deep that it is without precedent in modern history. It will not do merely to state, as do Republican leaders to explain their broken promises of continued inaction, that the depression is worldwide. That was not their explanation of the apparent prosperity of 1928. The people will not forget the claim made by them then that prosperity was only a domestic product manufactured by a Republican President and a Republican Congress. If they claim paternity for the one they cannot deny paternity for the other.\nI cannot take up all the problems today. I want to touch on a few that are vital. Let us look a little at the recent history and the simple economics, the kind of economics that you and I and the average man and woman talk.\nIn the years before 1929 we know that this country had completed a vast cycle of building and inflation; for ten years we expanded on the theory of repairing the wastes of the War, but actually expanding far beyond that, and also beyond our natural and normal growth. Now it is worth remembering, and the cold figures of finance prove it, that during that time there was little or no drop in the prices that the consumer had to pay, although those same figures proved that the cost of production fell very greatly; corporate profit resulting from this period was enormous; at the same time little of that profit was devoted to the reduction of prices. The consumer was forgotten. Very little of it went into increased wages; the worker was forgotten, and by no means an adequate proportion was even paid out in dividends--the stockholder was forgotten.\nAnd, incidentally, very little of it was taken by taxation to the beneficent Government of those years.\nWhat was the result? Enormous corporate surpluses piled up-- the most stupendous in history. Where, under the spell of delirious speculation, did those surpluses go? Let us talk economics that the figures prove and that we can understand. Why, they went chiefly in two directions: first, into new and unnecessary plants which now stand stark and idle; and second, into the call-money market of Wall Street, either directly by the corporations, or indirectly through the banks. Those are the facts. Why blink at them?\nThen came the crash. You know the story. Surpluses invested in unnecessary plants became idle. Men lost their jobs; purchasing power dried up; banks became frightened and started calling loans. Those who had money were afraid to part with it. Credit contracted. Industry stopped. Commerce declined, and unemployment mounted.\nAnd there we are today.\nTranslate that into human terms. See how the events of the past three years have come home to specific groups of people: first, the group dependent on industry; second, the group dependent on agriculture; third, and made up in large part of members of the first two groups, the people who are called \"small investors and depositors.\" In fact, the strongest possible tie between the first two groups, agriculture and industry, is the fact that the savings and to a degree the security of both are tied together in that third group--the credit structure of the Nation.\nNever in history have the interests of all the people been so united in a single economic problem. Picture to yourself, for instance, the great groups of property owned by millions of our citizens, represented by credits issued in the form of bonds and mortgages--Government bonds of all kinds, Federal, State, county, municipal; bonds of industrial companies, of utility companies; mortgages on real estate in farms and cities, and finally the vast investments of the Nation in the railroads. What is the measure of the security of each of those groups? We know well that in our complicated, interrelated credit structure if any one of these credit groups collapses they may all collapse. Danger to one is danger to all.\nHow, I ask, has the present Administration in Washington treated the interrelationship of these credit groups? The answer is clear: It has not recognized that interrelationship existed at all. Why, the Nation asks, has Washington failed to understand that all of these groups, each and every one, the top of the pyramid and the bottom of the pyramid, must be considered together, that each and every one of them is dependent on every other; each and every one of them affecting the whole financial fabric?\nStatesmanship and vision, my friends, require relief to all at the same time.\nJust one word or two on taxes, the taxes that all of us pay toward the cost of Government of all kinds.\nI know something of taxes. For three long years I have been going up and down this country preaching that Government--Federal and State and local--costs too much. I shall not stop that preaching. As an immediate program of action we must abolish useless offices. We must eliminate unnecessary functions of Government--functions, in fact, that are not definitely essential to the continuance of Government. We must merge, we must consolidate subdivisions of Government, and, like the private citizen, give up luxuries which we can no longer afford.\nBy our example at Washington itself, we shall have the opportunity of pointing the way of economy to local government, for let us remember well that out of every tax dollar in the average State in this Nation, 40 cents enter the treasury in Washington, D. C., 10 or 12 cents only go to the State capitals, and 48 cents are consumed by the costs of local government in counties and cities and towns.\nI propose to you, my friends, and through you, that Government of all kinds, big and little, be made solvent and that the example be set by the President of the United States and his Cabinet.\nAnd talking about setting a definite example, I congratulate this convention for having had the courage fearlessly to write into its declaration of principles what an overwhelming majority here assembled really thinks about the 18th Amendment. This convention wants repeal. Your candidate wants repeal. And I am confident that the United States of America wants repeal.\nTwo years ago the platform on which I ran for Governor the second time contained substantially the same provision. The overwhelming sentiment of the people of my State, as shown by the vote of that year, extends, I know, to the people of many of the other States. I say to you now that from this date on the 18th Amendment is doomed. When that happens, we as Democrats must and will, rightly and morally, enable the States to protect themselves against the importation of intoxicating liquor where such importation may violate their State laws. We must rightly and morally prevent the return of the saloon.\nTo go back to this dry subject of finance, because it all ties in together--the 18th Amendment has something to do with finance, too--in a comprehensive planning for the reconstruction of the great credit groups, including Government credit, I list an important place for that prize statement of principle in the platform here adopted calling for the letting in of the light of day on issues of securities, foreign and domestic, which are offered for sale to the investing public.\nMy friends, you and I as common-sense citizens know that it would help to protect the savings of the country from the dishonesty of crooks and from the lack of honor of some men in high financial places. Publicity is the enemy of crookedness.\nAnd now one word about unemployment, and incidentally about agriculture. I have favored the use of certain types of public works as a further emergency means of stimulating employment and the issuance of bonds to pay for such public works, but I have pointed out that no economic end is served if we merely build without building for a necessary purpose. Such works, of course, should insofar as possible be self-sustaining if they are to be financed by the issuing of bonds. So as to spread the points of all kinds as widely as possible, we must take definite steps to shorten the working day and the working week.\nLet us use common sense and business sense. Just as one example, we know that a very hopeful and immediate means of relief, both for the unemployed and for agriculture, will come from a wide plan of the converting of many millions of acres of marginal and unused land into timberland through reforestation. There are tens of millions of acres east of the Mississippi River alone in abandoned farms, in cut-over land, now growing up in worthless brush. Why, every European Nation has a definite land policy, and has had one for generations. We have none. Having none, we face a future of soil erosion and timber famine. It is clear that economic foresight and immediate employment march hand in hand in the call for the reforestation of these vast areas.\nIn so doing, employment can be given to a million men. That is the kind of public work that is self-sustaining, and therefore capable of being financed by the issuance of bonds which are made secure by the fact that the growth of tremendous crops will provide adequate security for the investment.\nYes, I have a very definite program for providing employment by that means. I have done it, and I am doing it today in the State of New York. I know that the Democratic Party can do it successfully in the Nation. That will put men to work, and that is an example of the action that we are going to have.\nNow as a further aid to agriculture, we know perfectly well-- but have we come out and said so clearly and distinctly?--we should repeal immediately those provisions of law that compel the Federal Government to go into the market to purchase, to sell, to speculate in farm products in a futile attempt to reduce farm surpluses. And they are the people who are talking of keeping Government out of business. The practical way to help the farmer is by an arrangement that will, in addition to lightening some of the impoverishing burdens from his back, do something toward the reduction of the surpluses of staple commodities that hang on the market. It should be our aim to add to the world prices of staple products the amount of a reasonable tariff protection, to give agriculture the same protection that industry has today.\nAnd in exchange for this immediately increased return I am sure that the farmers of this Nation would agree ultimately to such planning of their production as would reduce the surpluses and make it unnecessary in later years to depend on dumping those surpluses abroad in order to support domestic prices. That result has been accomplished in other Nations; why not in America, too?\nFarm leaders and farm economists, generally, agree that a plan based on that principle is a desirable first step in the reconstruction of agriculture. It does not in itself furnish a complete program, but it will serve in great measure in the long run to remove the pall of a surplus without the continued perpetual threat of world dumping. Final voluntary reduction of surplus is a part of our objective, but the long continuance and the present burden of existing surpluses make it necessary to repair great damage of the present by immediate emergency measures.\nSuch a plan as that, my friends, does not cost the Government any money, nor does it keep the Government in business or in speculation.\nAs to the actual wording of a bill, I believe that the Democratic Party stands ready to be guided by whatever the responsible farm groups themselves agree on. That is a principle that is sound; and again I ask for action.\nOne more word about the farmer, and I know that every delegate in this hall who lives in the city knows why I lay emphasis on the farmer. It is because one-half of our population, over 50,000,000 people, are dependent on agriculture; and, my friends, if those 50,000,000 people have no money, no cash, to buy what is produced in the city, the city suffers to an equal or greater extent.\nThat is why we are going to make the voters understand this year that this Nation is not merely a Nation of independence, but it is, if we are to survive, bound to be a Nation of interdependence--town and city, and North and South, East and West. That is our goal, and that goal will be understood by the people of this country no matter where they live.\nYes, the purchasing power of that half of our population dependent on agriculture is gone. Farm mortgages reach nearly ten billions of dollars today and interest charges on that alone are $560,000,000 a year. But that is not all. The tax burden caused by extravagant and inefficient local government is an additional factor. Our most immediate concern should be to reduce the interest burden on these mortgages.\nRediscounting of farm mortgages under salutary restrictions must be expanded and should, in the future, be conditioned on the reduction of interest rates. Amortization payments, maturities should likewise in this crisis be extended before rediscount is permitted where the mortgagor is sorely pressed. That, my friends, is another example of practical, immediate relief: Action.\nI aim to do the same thing, and it can be done, for the small home-owner in our cities and villages. We can lighten his burden and develop his purchasing power. Take away, my friends, that spectre of too high an interest rate. Take away that spectre of the due date just a short time away. Save homes; save homes for thousands of self-respecting families, and drive out that spectre of insecurity from our midst.\nOut of all the tons of printed paper, out of all the hours of oratory, the recriminations, the defenses, the happy-thought plans in Washington and in every State, there emerges one great, simple, crystal-pure fact that during the past ten years a Nation of 120,000,000 people has been led by the Republican leaders to erect an impregnable barbed wire entanglement around its borders through the instrumentality of tariffs which have isolated us from all the other human beings in all the rest of the round world. I accept that admirable tariff statement in the platform of this convention. It would protect American business and American labor. By our acts of the past we have invited and received the retaliation of other Nations. I propose an invitation to them to forget the past, to sit at the table with us, as friends, and to plan with us for the restoration of the trade of the world.\nGo into the home of the business man. He knows what the tariff has done for him. Go into the home of the factory worker. He knows why goods do not move. Go into the home of the farmer. He knows how the tariff has helped to ruin him.\nAt last our eyes are open. At last the American people are ready to acknowledge that Republican leadership was wrong and that the Democracy is right.\nMy program, of which I can only touch on these points, is based upon this simple moral principle: the welfare and the soundness of a Nation depend first upon what the great mass of the people wish and need; and second, whether or not they are getting it.\nWhat do the people of America want more than anything else? To my mind, they want two things: work, with all the moral and spiritual values that go with it; and with work, a reasonable measure of security--security for themselves and for their wives and children. Work and security--these are more than words. They are more than facts. They are the spiritual values, the true goal toward which our efforts of reconstruction should lead. These are the values that this program is intended to gain; these are the values we have failed to achieve by the leadership we now have.\nOur Republican leaders tell us economic laws--sacred, inviolable, unchangeable--cause panics which no one could prevent. But while they prate of economic laws, men and women are starving. We must lay hold of the fact that economic laws are not made by nature. They are made by human beings.\nYes, when--not if--when we get the chance, the Federal Government will assume bold leadership in distress relief. For years Washington has alternated between putting its head in the sand and saying there is no large number of destitute people in our midst who need food and clothing, and then saying the States should take care of them, if there are. Instead of planning two and a half years ago to do what they are now trying to do, they kept putting it off from day to day, week to week, and month to month, until the conscience of America demanded action.\nI say that while primary responsibility for relief rests with localities now, as ever, yet the Federal Government has always had and still has a continuing responsibility for the broader public welfare. It will soon fulfill that responsibility.\nAnd now, just a few words about our plans for the next four months. By coming here instead of waiting for a formal notification, I have made it clear that I believe we should eliminate expensive ceremonies and that we should set in motion at once, tonight, my friends, the necessary machinery for an adequate presentation of the issues to the electorate of the Nation.\nI myself have important duties as Governor of a great State, duties which in these times are more arduous and more grave than at any previous period. Yet I feel confident that I shall be able to make a number of short visits to several parts of the Nation. My trips will have as their first objective the study at first hand, from the lips of men and women of all parties and all occupations, of the actual conditions and needs of every part of an interdependent country.\nOne word more: Out of every crisis, every tribulation, every disaster, mankind rises with some share of greater knowledge, of higher decency, of purer purpose. Today we shall have come through a period of loose thinking, descending morals, an era of selfishness, among individual men and women and among Nations. Blame not Governments alone for this. Blame ourselves in equal share. Let us be frank in acknowledgment of the truth that many amongst us have made obeisance to Mammon, that the profits of speculation, the easy road without toil, have lured us from the old barricades. To return to higher standards we must abandon the false prophets and seek new leaders of our own choosing.\nNever before in modern history have the essential differences between the two major American parties stood out in such striking contrast as they do today. Republican leaders not only have failed in material things, they have failed in national vision, because in disaster they have held out no hope, they have pointed out no path for the people below to climb back to places of security and of safety in our American life.\nThroughout the Nation, men and women, forgotten in the political philosophy of the Government of the last years look to us here for guidance and for more equitable opportunity to share in the distribution of national wealth.\nOn the farms, in the large metropolitan areas, in the smaller cities and in the villages, millions of our citizens cherish the hope that their old standards of living and of thought have not gone forever. Those millions cannot and shall not hope in vain.\nI pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people. Let us all here assembled constitute ourselves prophets of a new order of competence and of courage. This is more than a political campaign; it is a call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to win in this crusade to restore America to its own 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Robinson, Members of the Democratic Convention, my friends:\nHere, and in every community throughout the land, we are met at a time of great moment to the future of the Nation. It is an occasion to be dedicated to the simple and sincere expression of an attitude toward problems, the determination of which will profoundly affect America.\nI come not only as a leader of a party, not only as a candidate for high office, but as one upon whom many critical hours have imposed and still impose a grave responsibility.\nFor the sympathy, help and confidence with which Americans have sustained me in my task I am grateful. For their loyalty I salute the members of our great party, in and out of political life in every part of the Union. I salute those of other parties, especially those in the Congress of the United States who on so many occasions have put partisanship aside. I thank the Governors of the several States, their Legislatures, their State and local officials who participated unselfishly and regardless of party in our efforts to achieve recovery and destroy abuses. Above all I thank the millions of Americans who have borne disaster bravely and have dared to smile through the storm.\nAmerica will not forget these recent years, will not forget that the rescue was not a mere party task. It was the concern of all of us. In our strength we rose together, rallied our energies together, applied the old rules of common sense, and together survived.\nIn those days we feared fear. That was why we fought fear. And today, my friends, we have won against the most dangerous of our foes. We have conquered fear.\nBut I cannot, with candor, tell you that all is well with the world. Clouds of suspicion, tides of ill-will and intolerance gather darkly in many places. In our own land we enjoy indeed a fullness of life greater than that of most Nations. But the rush of modern civilization itself has raised for us new difficulties, new problems which must be solved if we are to preserve to the United States the political and economic freedom for which Washington and Jefferson planned and fought.\nPhiladelphia is a good city in which to write American history. This is fitting ground on which to reaffirm the faith of our fathers; to pledge ourselves to restore to the people a wider freedom; to give to 1936 as the founders gave to 1776—an American way of life.\nThat very word freedom, in itself and of necessity, suggests freedom from some restraining power. In 1776 we sought freedom from the tyranny of a political autocracy—from the eighteenth century royalists who held special privileges from the crown. It was to perpetuate their privilege that they governed without the consent of the governed; that they denied the right of free assembly and free speech; that they restricted the worship of God; that they put the average man\'s property and the average man\'s life in pawn to the mercenaries of dynastic power; that they regimented the people.\nAnd so it was to win freedom from the tyranny of political autocracy that the American Revolution was fought. That victory gave the business of governing into the hands of the average man, who won the right with his neighbors to make and order his own destiny through his own Government. Political tyranny was wiped out at Philadelphia on July 4, 1776.\nSince that struggle, however, man\'s inventive genius released new forces in our land which reordered the lives of our people.. The age of machinery, of railroads; of steam and electricity; the telegraph and the radio; mass production, mass distribution—all of these combined to bring forward a new civilization and with it a new problem for those who sought to remain free.\nFor out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital—all undreamed of by the fathers—the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal service.\nThere was no place among this royalty for our many thousands of small business men and merchants who sought to make a worthy use of the American system of initiative and profit. They were no more free than the worker or the farmer. Even honest and progressive-minded men of wealth, aware of their obligation to their generation, could never know just where they fitted into this dynastic scheme of things.\nIt was natural and perhaps human that the privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power, reached out for control over Government itself. They created a new despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction. In its service new mercenaries sought to regiment the people, their labor, and their property. And as a result the average man once more confronts the problem that faced the Minute Man.\nThe hours men and women worked, the wages they received, the conditions of their labor—these had passed beyond the control of the people, and were imposed by this new industrial dictatorship. The savings of the average family, the capital of the small business man, the investments set aside for old age—other people\'s money—these were tools which the new economic royalty used to dig itself in.\nThose who tilled the soil no longer reaped the rewards which were their right. The small measure of their gains was decreed by men in distant cities.\nThroughout the Nation, opportunity was limited by monopoly. Individual initiative was crushed in the cogs of a great machine. The field open for free business was more and more restricted. Private enterprise, indeed, became too private. It became privileged enterprise, not free enterprise.\nAn old English judge once said: \"Necessitous men are not free men.\" Liberty requires opportunity to make a living—a living decent according to the standard of the time, a living which gives man not only enough to live by, but something to live for.\nFor too many of us the political equality we once had won was meaningless in the face of economic inequality. A small group had concentrated into their own hands an almost complete control over other people\'s property, other people\'s money, other people\'s labor—other people\'s lives. For too many of us life was no longer free; liberty no longer real; men could no longer follow the pursuit of happiness.\nAgainst economic tyranny such as this, the American citizen could appeal only to the organized power of Government. The collapse of 1929 showed up the despotism for what it was. The election of 1932 was the people\'s mandate to end it. Under that mandate it is being ended.\nThe royalists of the economic order have conceded that political freedom was the business of the Government, but they have maintained that economic slavery was nobody\'s business. They granted that the Government could protect the citizen in his right to vote, but they denied that the Government could do anything to protect the citizen in his right to work and his right to live.\nToday we stand committed to the proposition that freedom is no half-and-half affair. If the average citizen is guaranteed equal opportunity in the polling place, he must have equal opportunity in the market place.\nThese economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our allegiance to American institutions requires the overthrow of this kind of power. In vain they seek to hide behind the Flag and the Constitution. In their blindness they forget what the Flag and the Constitution stand for. Now, as always, they stand for democracy, not tyranny; for freedom, not subjection; and against a dictatorship by mob rule and the over-privileged alike.\nThe brave and clear platform adopted by this Convention, to which I heartily subscribe, sets forth that Government in a modern civilization has certain inescapable obligations to its citizens, among which are protection of the family and the home, the establishment of a democracy of opportunity, and aid to those overtaken by disaster.\nBut the resolute enemy within our gates is ever ready to beat down our words unless in greater courage we will fight for them.\nFor more than three years we have fought for them. This Convention, in every word and deed, has pledged that that fight will go on.\nThe defeats and victories of these years have given to us as a people a new understanding of our Government and of ourselves. Never since the early days of the New England town meeting have the affairs of Government been so widely discussed and so clearly appreciated. It has been brought home to us that the only effective guide for the safety of this most worldly of worlds, the greatest guide of all, is moral principle.\nWe do not see faith, hope and charity as unattainable ideals, but we use them as stout supports of a Nation fighting the fight for freedom in a modern civilization.\nFaith— in the soundness of democracy in the midst of dictatorships.\nHope—renewed because we know so well the progress we have made.\nCharity— in the true spirit of that grand old word. For charity literally translated from the original means love, the love that understands, that does not merely share the wealth of the giver, but in true sympathy and wisdom helps men to help themselves.\nWe seek not merely to make Government a mechanical implement, but to give it the vibrant personal character that is the very embodiment of human charity.\nWe are poor indeed if this Nation cannot afford to lift from every recess of American life the dread fear of the unemployed that they are not needed in the world. We cannot afford to accumulate a deficit in the books of human fortitude.\nIn the place of the palace of privilege we seek to build a temple out of faith and hope and charity.\nIt is a sobering thing, my friends, to be a servant of this great cause. We try in our daily work to remember that the cause belongs not to us, but to the people. The standard is not in the hands of you and me alone. It is carried by America. We seek daily to profit from experience, to learn to do better as our task proceeds.\nGovernments can err, Presidents do make mistakes, but the immortal Dante tells us that divine justice weighs the sins of the cold-blooded and the sins of the warm-hearted in different scales.\nBetter the occasional faults of a Government that lives in a spirit of charity than the consistent omissions of a Government frozen in the ice of its own indifference.\nThere is a mysterious cycle in human events. To some generations much is given. Of other generations much is expected. This generation of Americans has a rendezvous with destiny.\nIn this world of ours in other lands, there are some people, who, in times past, have lived and fought for freedom, and seem to have grown too weary to carry on the fight. They have sold their heritage of freedom for the illusion of a living. They have yielded their democracy.\nI believe in my heart that only our success can stir their ancient hope. They begin to know that here in America we are waging a great and successful war. It is not alone a war against want and destitution and economic demoralization. It is more than that; it is a war for the survival of democracy. We are fighting to save a great and precious form of government for ourselves and for the world.\nI accept the commission you have tendered me. I join with you. I am enlisted for the duration of the 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of the Convention—my friends:\nIt is very late; but I have felt that you would rather that I speak to you now than wait until tomorrow.\nIt is with a very full heart that I speak tonight. I must confess that I do so with mixed feelings—because I find myself, as almost everyone does sooner or later in his lifetime, in a conflict between deep personal desire for retirement on the one hand, and that quiet, invisible thing called \"conscience\" on the other.\nBecause there are self-appointed commentators and interpreters who will seek to misinterpret or question motives, I speak in a somewhat personal vein; and I must trust to the good faith and common sense of the American people to accept my own good faith—and to do their own interpreting.\nWhen, in 1936, I was chosen by the voters for a second time as President, it was my firm intention to turn over the responsibilities of Government to other hands at the end of my term. That conviction remained with me. Eight years in the Presidency, following a period of bleak depression, and covering one world crisis after another, would normally entitle any man to the relaxation that comes from honorable retirement.\nDuring the spring of 1939, world events made it clear to all but the blind or the partisan that a great war in Europe had become not merely a possibility but a probability, and that such a war would of necessity deeply affect the future of this nation.\nWhen the conflict first broke out last September, it was still my intention to announce clearly and simply, at an early date, that under no conditions would I accept reelection. This fact was well known to my friends, and I think was understood by many citizens.\nIt soon became evident, however, that such a public statement on my part would be unwise from the point of view of sheer public duty. As President of the United States, it was my clear duty, with the aid of the Congress, to preserve our neutrality, to shape our program of defense, to meet rapid changes, to keep our domestic affairs adjusted to shifting world conditions, and to sustain the policy of the Good Neighbor.\nIt was also my obvious duty to maintain to the utmost the influence of this mighty nation in our effort to prevent the spread of war, and to sustain by all legal means those governments threatened by other governments which had rejected the principles of democracy.\nSwiftly moving foreign events made necessary swift action at home and beyond the seas. Plans for national defense had to be expanded and adjusted to meet new forms of warfare. American citizens and their welfare had to be safeguarded in many foreign zones of danger. National unity in the United States became a crying essential in the face of the development of unbelievable types of espionage and international treachery.\nEvery day that passed called for the postponement of personal plans and partisan debate until the latest possible moment. The normal conditions under which I would have made public declaration of my personal desires were wholly gone.\nAnd so, thinking solely of the national good and of the international scene, I came to the reluctant conclusion that such declaration should not be made before the national Convention. It was accordingly made to you within an hour after the permanent organization of this Convention.\nLike any other man, I am complimented by the honor you have done me. But I know you will understand the spirit in which I say that no call of Party alone would prevail upon me to accept reelection to the Presidency.\nThe real decision to be made in these circumstances is not the acceptance of a nomination, but rather an ultimate willingness to serve if chosen by the electorate of the United States. Many considerations enter into this decision.\nDuring the past few months, with due Congressional approval, we in the United States have been taking steps to implement the total defense of America. I cannot forget that in carrying out this program I have drafted into the service of the nation many men and women, taking them away from important private affairs, calling them suddenly from their homes and their businesses. I have asked them to leave their own work, and to contribute their skill and experience to the cause of their nation.\nI, as the head of their Government, have asked them to do this. Regardless of party, regardless of personal convenience, they came—they answered the call. Every single one of them, with one exception, has come to the nation\'s Capital to serve the nation.\nThese people, who have placed patriotism above all else, represent those who have made their way to what might be called the top of their professions or industries through their proven skill and experience.\nBut they alone could not be enough to meet the needs of the times.\nJust as a system of national defense based on man power alone, without the mechanized equipment of modern warfare, is totally insufficient for adequate national defense, so also planes and guns and tanks are wholly insufficient unless they are implemented by the power of men trained to use them.\nSuch man power consists not only of pilots and gunners and infantry and those who operate tanks. For every individual in actual combat service, it is necessary for adequate defense that we have ready at hand at least four or five other trained individuals organized for non-combat services.\nBecause of the millions of citizens involved in the conduct of defense, most right thinking persons are agreed that some form of selection by draft is as necessary and fair today as it was in 1917 and 1918.\nNearly every American is willing to do his share or her share to defend the United States. It is neither just nor efficient to permit that task to fall upon any one section or any one group. For every section and every group depend for their existence upon the survival of the nation as a whole.\nLying awake, as I have, on many nights, I have asked myself whether I have the right, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to call on men and women to serve their country or to train themselves to serve and, at the same time, decline to serve my country in my own personal capacity, if I am called upon to do so by the people of my country.\nIn times like these—in times of great tension, of great crisis-the compass of the world narrows to a single fact. The fact which dominates our world is the fact of armed aggression, the fact of successful armed aggression, aimed at the form of Government, the kind of society that we in the United States have chosen and established for ourselves. It is a fact which no one longer doubts -which no one is longer able to ignore.\nIt is not an ordinary war. It is a revolution imposed by force of arms, which threatens all men everywhere. It is a revolution which proposes not to set men free but to reduce them to slavery—to reduce them to slavery in the interest of a dictatorship which has already shown the nature and the extent of the advantage which it hopes to obtain.\nThat is the fact which dominates our world and which dominates the lives of all of us, each and every one of us. In the face of the danger which confronts our time, no individual retains or can hope to retain, the right of personal choice which free men enjoy in times of peace. He has a first obligation to serve in the defense of our institutions of freedom—a first obligation to serve his country in whatever capacity his country finds him useful.\nLike most men of my age, I had made plans for myself, plans for a private life of my own choice and for my own satisfaction, a life of that kind to begin in January, 1941. These plans, like so many other plans, had been made in a world which now seems as distant as another planet. Today all private plans, all private lives, have been in a sense repealed by an overriding public danger. In the face of that public danger all those who can be of service to the Republic have no choice but to offer themselves for service in those capacities for which they may be fitted.\nThose, my friends, are the reasons why I have had to admit to myself, and now to state to you, that my conscience will not let me turn my back upon a call to service.\nThe right to make that call rests with the people through the American method of a free election. Only the people themselves can draft a President. If such a draft should be made upon me, I say to you, in the utmost simplicity, I will, with God\'s help, continue to serve with the best of my ability and with the fullness of my strength.\nTo you, the delegates of this Convention, I express my gratitude for the selection of Henry Wallace for the high office of Vice President of the United States. His first-hand knowledge of the problems of Government in every sphere of life and in every single part of the nation—and indeed of the whole world—qualifies him without reservation. His practical idealism will be of great service to me individually and to the nation as a whole.\nAnd to the Chairman of the National Committee, the Postmaster General of the United States—my old friend Jim Farley-I send, as I have often before and shall many times again, my most affectionate greetings. All of us are sure that he will continue to give all the leadership and support that he possibly can to the cause of American democracy.\nIn some respects, as I think my good wife suggested an hour or so ago—the next few months will be different from the usual national campaigns of recent years.\nMost of you know how important it is that the President of the United States in these days remain close to the seat of Government. Since last Summer I have been compelled to abandon proposed journeys to inspect many of our great national projects from the Alleghenies to the Pacific Coast.\nEvents move so fast in other parts of the world that it has be come my duty to remain either in the White House itself or at some near-by point where I can reach Washington and even Europe and Asia by direct telephone—where, if need be, I can be back at my desk in the space of a very few hours. And in addition, the splendid work of the new defense machinery will require me to spend vastly more time in conference with the responsible administration heads under me. Finally, the added task which the present crisis has imposed also upon the Congress, compelling them to forego their usual adjournment, calls for constant cooperation between the Executive and Legislative branches, to the efficiency of which I am glad indeed now to pay tribute.\nI do expect, of course, during the coming months to make my usual periodic reports to the country through the medium of press conferences and radio talks. I shall not have the time or the inclination to engage in purely political debate. But I shall never be loath to call the attention of the nation to deliberate or unwitting falsifications of fact, which are sometimes made by political candidates.\nI have spoken to you in a very informal and personal way. The exigencies of the day require, however, that I also talk with you about things which transcend any personality and go very deeply to the roots of American civilization.\nOur lives have been based on those fundamental freedoms and liberties which we Americans have cherished for a century and a half. The establishment of them and the preservation of them in each succeeding generation have been accomplished through the processes of free elective Government—the democratic-republican form, based on the representative system and the coordination of the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches.\nThe task of safeguarding our institutions seems to me to be twofold. One must be accomplished, if it becomes necessary, by the armed defense forces of the nation. The other, by the united effort of the men and women of the country to make our Federal and State and local Governments responsive to the growing requirements of modern democracy.\nThere have been occasions, as we remember, when reactions in the march of democracy have set in, and forward-looking progress has seemed to stop.\nBut such periods have been followed by liberal and progressive times which have enabled the nation to catch up with new developments in fulfilling new human needs. Such a time has been the past seven years. Because we had seemed to lag in previous years, we have had to develop, speedily and efficiently, the answers to aspirations which had come from every State and every family in the land.\nWe have sometimes called it social legislation; we have sometimes called it legislation to end the abuses of the past; we have sometimes called it legislation for human security; and we have sometimes called it legislation to better the condition of life of the many millions of our fellow citizens, who could not have the essentials of life or hope for an American standard of living.\nSome of us have labeled it a wider and more equitable distribution of wealth in our land. It has included among its aims, to liberalize and broaden the control of vast industries—lodged today in the hands of a relatively small group of individuals of very great financial power.\nBut all of these definitions and labels are essentially the expression of one consistent thought. They represent a constantly growing sense of human decency, human decency throughout our nation.\nThis sense of human decency is happily confined to no group or class. You find it in the humblest home. You find it among those who toil, and among the shopkeepers and the farmers of the nation. You find it, to a growing degree, even among those who are listed in that top group which has so much control over the industrial and financial structure of the nation. Therefore, this urge of humanity can by no means be labeled a war of class against class. It is rather a war against poverty and suffering and ill-health and insecurity, a war in which all classes are joining in the interest of a sound and enduring democracy.\nI do not believe for a moment, and I know that you do not believe either, that we have fully answered all the needs of human security. But we have covered much of the road. I need not catalogue the milestones of seven years. For every individual and every family in the whole land know that the average of their personal lives has been made safer and sounder and happier than it has ever been before. I do not think they want the gains in these directions to be repealed or even to be placed in the charge of those who would give them mere lip-service with no heart service.\nYes, very much more remains to be done, and I think the voters want the task entrusted to those who believe that the words \"human betterment\" apply to poor and rich alike.\nAnd I have a sneaking suspicion too, that voters will smile at charges of inefficiency against a Government which has boldly met the enormous problems of banking, and finance and industry which the great efficient bankers and industrialists of the Republican Party left in such hopeless chaos in the famous year 1933.\nBut we all know that our progress at home and in the other American nations toward this realization of a better human decency—progress along free lines— is gravely endangered by what is happening on other continents. In Europe, many nations, through dictatorships or invasions, have been compelled to abandon normal democratic processes. They have been compelled to adopt forms of government which some call \"new and efficient.\"\nThey are not new, my friends, they are only a relapse—a relapse into ancient history. The omnipotent rulers of the greater part of modern Europe have guaranteed efficiency, and work, and a type of security.\nBut the slaves who built the pyramids for the glory of the dictator Pharaohs of Egypt had that kind of security, that kind of efficiency, that kind of corporative state.\nSo did the inhabitants of that world which extended from Britain to Persia under the undisputed rule of the proconsuls sent out from Rome.\nSo did the henchmen, the tradesmen, the mercenaries and the slaves of the feudal system which dominated Europe a thousand years ago.\nSo did the people of those nations of Europe who received their kings and their government at the whim of the conquering Napoleon.\nWhatever its new trappings and new slogans, tyranny is the oldest and most discredited rule known to history. And whenever tyranny has replaced a more human form of Government it has been due more to internal causes than external. Democracy can thrive only when it enlists the devotion of those whom Lincoln called the common people. Democracy can hold that devotion only when it adequately respects their dignity by so ordering society as to assure to the masses of men and women reasonable security and hope for themselves and for their children.\nWe in our democracy, and those who live in still unconquered democracies, will never willingly descend to any form of this so-called security of efficiency which calls for the abandonment of other securities more vital to the dignity of man. It is our credo-unshakable to the end—that we must live under the liberties that were first heralded by Magna Carta and placed into glorious operation through the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights.\nThe Government of the United States for the past seven years has had the courage openly to oppose by every peaceful means the spread of the dictator form of Government. If our Government should pass to other hands next January-untried hands, inexperienced hands—we can merely hope and pray that they will not substitute appeasement and compromise with those who seek to destroy all democracies everywhere, including here.\nI would not undo, if I could, the efforts I made to prevent war from the moment it was threatened and to restrict the area of carnage, down to the last minute. I do not now soften the condemnation expressed by Secretary Hull and myself from time to time for the acts of aggression that have wiped out ancient liberty-loving, peace-pursuing countries which had scrupulously maintained neutrality. I do not recant the sentiments of sympathy with all free peoples resisting such aggression, or begrudge the material aid that we have given to them. I do not regret my consistent endeavor to awaken this country to the menace for us and for all we hold dear.\n· I have pursued these efforts in the face of appeaser fifth columnists who charged me with hysteria and war-mongering. But I felt it my duty, my simple, plain, inescapable duty, to arouse my countrymen to the danger of the new forces let loose in the world.\nSo long as I am President, I will do all I can to insure that that foreign policy remain our foreign policy.\nAll that I have done to maintain the peace of this country and to prepare it morally, as well as physically, for whatever contingencies may be in store, I submit to the judgment of my countrymen. We face one of the great choices of history.\nIt is not alone a choice of Government by the people versus dictatorship.\nIt is not alone a choice of freedom versus slavery.\nIt is not alone a choice between moving forward or falling back. It is all of these rolled into one.\nIt is the continuance of civilization as we know it versus the ultimate destruction of all that we have held dear—religion against godlessness; the ideal of justice against the practice of force; moral decency versus the firing squad; courage to speak out, and to act, versus the false lullaby of appeasement.\nBut it has been well said that a selfish and greedy people cannot be free.\nThe American people must decide whether these things are worth making sacrifices of money, of energy, and of self. They will not decide by listening to mere words or by reading mere pledges, interpretations and claims. They will decide on the record—the record as it has been made—the record of things as they are.\nThe American people will sustain the progress of a representative democracy, asking the Divine Blessing as they face the future with courage and with 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have already indicated to you why I accept the nomination that you have offered me—in spite of my desire to retire to the quiet of private life.\nYou in this Convention are aware of what I have sought to gain for the Nation, and you have asked me to continue.\nIt seems wholly likely that within the next four years our armed forces, and those of our allies, will have gained a complete victory over Germany and Japan, sooner or later, and that the world once more will be at peace—under a system, we hope that will prevent a new world war. In any event, whenever that time comes, new hands will then have full opportunity to realize the ideals which we seek.\nIn the last three elections the people of the United States have transcended party affiliation. Not only Democrats but also forward-looking Republicans and millions of independent voters have turned to progressive leadership- a leadership which has sought consistently—and with fair success—to advance the lot of the average American citizen who had been so forgotten during the period after the last war. I am confident that they will continue to look to that same kind of liberalism to build our safer economy for the future.\nI am sure that you will understand me when I say that my decision, expressed to you formally tonight, is based solely on a sense of obligation to serve if called upon to do so by the people of the United States.\nI shall not campaign, in the usual sense, for the office. In these days of tragic sorrow, I do not consider it fitting. And besides, in these days of global warfare, I shall not be able to find the time. I shall, however, feel free to report to the people the facts about matters of concern to them and especially to correct any misrepresentations.\nDuring the past few days I have been coming across the whole width of the continent, to a naval base where I am speaking to you now from the train.\nAs I was crossing the fertile lands and the wide plains and the Great Divide, I could not fail to think of the new relationship between the people of our farms and cities and villages and the people of the rest of the world overseas- on the islands of the Pacific, in the Far East, and in the other Americas, in Britain and Normandy and Germany and Poland and Russia itself.\nFor Oklahoma and California, for example, are becoming a part of all these distant spots as greatly as Massachusetts and Virginia were a part of the European picture in 1778. Today, Oklahoma and California are being defended in Normandy and on Saipan; and they must be defended there—for what happens in Normandy and Saipan vitally affects the security and well-being of every human being in Oklahoma and California.\nMankind changes the scope and the breadth of its thought and vision slowly indeed. In the days of the Roman Empire eyes were focused on Europe and the Mediterranean area. The civilization in the Far East was barely known. The American continents were unheard of.\nAnd even after the people of Europe began to spill over to other continents, the people of North America in Colonial days knew only their Atlantic seaboard and a tiny portion of the other Americas, and they turned mostly for trade and international relationship to Europe. Africa, at that time, was considered only as the provider of human chattels. Asia was essentially unknown to our ancestors.\nDuring the nineteenth century, during that era of development and expansion on this continent, we felt a natural isolation—geographic, economic, and political—an isolation from the vast world which lay overseas.\nNot until this generation—roughly this century—have people here and elsewhere been compelled more and more to widen the orbit of their vision to include every part of the world. Yes, it has been a wrench perhaps—but a very necessary one.\nIt is good that we are all getting that broader vision. For we shall need it after the war. The isolationists and the ostriches who plagued our thinking before Pearl Harbor are becoming slowly extinct. The American people now know that all Nations of the world- large and small- will have to play their appropriate part in keeping the peace by force, and in deciding peacefully the disputes which might lead to war.\nWe all know how truly the world has become one- that if Germany and Japan, for example, were to come through this war with their philosophies established and their armies intact, our own grandchildren would again have to be fighting in their day for their liberties and their lives.\nSome day soon we shall all be able to fly to any other part of the world within twenty-four hours. Oceans will no longer figure as greatly in our physical defense as they have in the past. For our own safety and for our own economic good, therefore -if for no other reason- we must take a leading part in the maintenance of peace and in the increase of trade among all the Nations of the world.\nAnd that is why your Government for many, many months has been laying plans, and studying the problems of the near future—preparing itself to act so that the people of the United States may not suffer hardships after the war, may continue constantly to improve their standards, and may join with other Nations in doing the same. There are even now working toward that end, the best staff in all our history- men and women of all parties and from every part of the Nation. I realize that planning is a word which in some places brings forth sneers. But, for example, before our entry into the war it was planning. which made possible the magnificent organization and equipment of the Army and Navy of the United States which are fighting for us and for our civilization today.\nImprovement through planning is the order of the day. Even m military affairs, things do not stand still. An army or a navy trained and equipped and fighting according to a 1932 model would not have been a safe reliance in 1944. And if we are to progress in our civilization, improvement is necessary in other fields—in the physical things that are a part of our daily lives, and also in the concepts of social justice at home and abroad.\nI am now at this naval base in the performance of my duties under the Constitution. The war waits for no elections. Decisions must be made- plans must be laid—strategy must be carried out. They do not concern merely a party or a group. They will affect the daily lives of Americans for generations to come.\nWhat is the job before us in 1944? First, to win the war—to win the war fast, to win it overpoweringly. Second, to form worldwide international organizations, and to arrange to use the armed forces of the sovereign Nations of the world to make another war impossible within the foreseeable future. And third, to build an economy for our returning veterans and for all Americans—which will provide employment and provide decent standards of living.\nThe people of the United States will decide this fall whether they wish to turn over this 1944 job—this worldwide job—to inexperienced or immature hands, to those who opposed lend-lease and international cooperation against the forces of aggression and tyranny, until they could read the polls of popular sentiment; or whether they wish to leave it to those who saw the danger from abroad, who met it head-on, and who now have seized the offensive and carried the war to its present stages of success—to those who, by international conferences and united actions have begun to build that kind of common understanding and cooperative experience which will be so necessary in the world to come.\nThey will also decide, these people of ours, whether they will entrust the task of postwar reconversion to those who offered the veterans of the last war breadlines and apple-selling and who finally led the American people down to the abyss of 1932; or whether they will leave it to those who rescued American business, agriculture, industry, finance, and labor in 1933, and who have already planned and put through much legislation to help our veterans resume their normal occupations in a well-ordered reconversion process.\nThey will not decide these questions by reading glowing words or platform pledges—the mouthings of those who are willing to promise anything and everything—contradictions, inconsistencies, impossibilities—anything which might snare a few votes here and a few votes there.\nThey will decide on the record—the record written on the seas, on the land, and in the skies.\nThey will decide on the record of our domestic accomplishments in recovery and reform since March 4, 1933.\nAnd they will decide on the record of our war production and food production- unparalleled in all history, in spite of the doubts and sneers of those in high places who said it cannot be done.\nThey will decide on the record of the International Food Conference, of U.N.R.R.A., of the International Labor Conference, of the International Education Conference, of the International Monetary Conference.\nAnd they will decide on the record written in the Atlantic Charter, at Casablanca, at Cairo, at Moscow, and at Teheran.\nWe have made mistakes. Who has not?\nThings will not always be perfect. Are they ever perfect, in human affairs?\nBut the objective at home and abroad has always been clear before us. Constantly, we have made steady, sure progress toward that objective. The record is plain and unmistakable as to that—a record for everyone to read.\nThe greatest wartime President in our history, after a wartime election which he called the \"most reliable indication of public purpose in this country,\" set the goal for the United States, a goal in terms as applicable today as they were in 1865—-terms which the human mind cannot improve:\n\". . . .with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the Nation\'s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan- to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all 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AM SORRY that the microphones are in the way, but I must leave them the way they are because I have got to be able to see what I am doing--as I am always able to see what I am doing.\nI can\'t tell you how very much I appreciate the honor which you have just conferred upon me. I shall continue to try to deserve it.\nI accept the nomination.\nAnd I want to thank this convention for its unanimous nomination of my good friend and colleague, Senator Barkley of Kentucky. He is a great man, and a great public servant. Senator Barkley and I will win this election and make these Republicans like it--don\'t you forget that!\nWe will do that because they are wrong and we are right, and I will prove it to you in just a few minutes.\nThis convention met to express the will and reaffirm the beliefs of the Democratic Party. There have been differences of opinion, and that is the democratic way. Those differences have been settled by a majority vote, as they should be.\nNow it is time for us to get together and beat the common enemy. And that is up to you.\nWe have been working together for victory in a great cause. Victory has become a habit of our party. It has been elected four times in succession, and I am convinced it will be elected a fifth time next November.\nThe reason is that the people know that the Democratic Party is the people\'s party, and the Republican Party is the party of special interest, and it always has been and always will be.\nThe record of the Democratic Party is written in the accomplishments of the last 16 years. I don\'t need to repeat them. They have been very ably placed before this convention by the keynote speaker, the candidate for Vice President, and by the permanent chairman.\nConfidence and security have been brought to the people by the Democratic Party. Farm income has increased from less than $2 ј billion in 1932 to more than $18 billion in 1947. Never in the world were the farmers of any republic or any kingdom or any other country as prosperous as the farmers of the United States; and if they don\'t do their duty by the Democratic Party, they are the most ungrateful people in the world!\nWages and salaries in this country have increased from 29 billion in 1933 to more than $128 billion in 1947. That\'s labor, and labor never had but one friend in politics, and that is the Democratic Party and Franklin D. Roosevelt.\nAnd I say to labor what I have said to the farmers: they are the most ungrateful people in the world if they pass the Democratic Party by this year.\nThe total national income has increased from less than $40 billion in 1933 to $203 billion in 1947, the greatest in all the history of the world. These benefits have been spread to all the people, because it is the business of the Democratic Party to see that the people get a fair share of these things.\nThis last, worst 80th Congress proved just the opposite for the Republicans.\nThe record on foreign policy of the Democratic Party is that the United States has been turned away permanently from isolationism, and we have converted the greatest and best of the Republicans to our viewpoint on that subject.\nThe United States has to accept its full responsibility for leadership in international affairs. We have been the backers and the people who organized and started the United Nations, first started under that great Democratic President, Woodrow Wilson, as the League of Nations. The League was sabotaged by the Republicans in 1920. And we must see that the United Nations continues a strong and growing body, so we can have everlasting peace in the world.\nWe removed trade barriers in the world, which is the best asset we can have for peace. Those trade barriers must not be put back into operation again.\nWe have started the foreign aid program, which means the recovery of Europe and China, and the Far East. We instituted the program for Greece and Turkey, and I will say to you that all these things were done in a cooperative and bipartisan manner. The Foreign Relations Committees of the Senate and House were taken into the full confidence of the President in every one of these moves, and don\'t let anybody tell you anything else.\nAs I have said time and time again, foreign policy should be the policy of the whole Nation and not the policy of one party or the other. Partisanship should stop at the water\'s edge; and I shall continue to preach that through this whole campaign.\nI would like to say a word or two now on what I think the Republican philosophy is; and I will speak from actions and from history and from experience.\nThe situation in 1932 was due to the policies of the Republican Party control of the Government of the United States. The Republican Party, as I said a while ago, favors the privileged few and not the common everyday man. Ever since its inception, that party has been under the control of special privilege; and they have completely proved it in the 80th Congress. They proved it by the things they did to the people, and not for them. They proved it by the things they failed to do.\nNow, let\'s look at some of them--just a few.\nTime and time again I recommended extension of price control before it expired June 30, 1946. I asked for that extension in September 1945, in November 1945, in a Message on the State of the Union in 1946; and that price control legislation did not come to my desk until June 30, 1946, on the day on which it was supposed to expire. And it was such a rotten bill that I couldn\'t sign it. And 30 days after that, they sent me one just as bad. I had to sign it, because they quit and went home.\nThey said, when OPA died, that prices would adjust themselves for the benefit of the country. They have been adjusting themselves all right! They have gone all the way off the chart in adjusting themselves, at the expense of the consumer and for the benefit of the people that hold the goods.\nI called a special session of the Congress in November 1947--November 17, 1947--and I set out a 10-point program for the welfare and benefit of this country, among other things standby controls. I got nothing. Congress has still done nothing.\nWay back 4 1\/2 years ago, while I was in the Senate, we passed a housing bill in the Senate known as the Wagner-Ellender-Taft bill. It was a bill to clear the slums in the big cities and to help to erect low-rent housing. That bill, as I said, passed the Senate 4 years ago. It died in the House. That bill was reintroduced in the 80th Congress as the Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill. The name was slightly changed, but it is practically the same bill. And it passed the Senate, but it was allowed to die in the House of Representatives; and they sat on that bill, and finally forced it out of the Banking and Currency Committee, and the Rules Committee took charge, and it still is in the Rules Committee.\nBut desperate pleas from Philadelphia in that convention that met here 3 weeks ago couldn\'t get that housing bill passed. They passed a bill they called a housing bill, which isn\'t worth the paper it\'s written on.\nIn the field of labor we needed moderate legislation to promote labor-management harmony, but Congress passed instead that so-called Taft-Hartley Act, which has disrupted labor-management relations and will cause strife and bitterness for years to come if it is not repealed, as the Democratic platform says it ought to be repealed.\nOn the Labor Department, the Republican platform of 1944 said, if they were in power, that they would build up a strong Labor Department. They have simply torn it up. Only one bureau is left that is functioning, and they cut the appropriation of that so it can hardly function.\nI recommended an increase in the minimum wage. What did I get? Nothing. Absolutely nothing.\nI suggested that the schools in this country are crowded, teachers underpaid, and that there is a shortage of teachers. One of our greatest national needs is more and better schools. I urged the Congress to provide $300 million to aid the States in the present educational crisis. Congress did nothing about it. Time and again I have recommended improvements in the social security law, including extending protection to those not now covered, and increasing the amount of benefits, to reduce the eligibility age of women from 65 to 60 years. Congress studied the matter for 2 years, but couldn\'t find the time to extend or increase the benefits. But they did find time to take social security benefits away from 750,000 people, and they passed that over my veto.\nI have repeatedly asked the Congress to pass a health program. The Nation suffers from lack of medical care. That situation can be remedied any time the Congress wants to act upon it.\nEverybody knows that I recommended to the Congress the civil rights program. I did that because I believed it to be my duty under the Constitution. Some of the members of my own party disagree with me violently on this matter. But they stand up and do it openly! People can tell where they stand. But the Republicans all professed to be for these measures. But Congress failed to act. They had enough men to do it, they could have had cloture, they didn\'t have to have a filibuster. They had enough people in that Congress that would vote for cloture.\nNow everybody likes to have low taxes, but we must reduce the national debt in times of prosperity. And when tax relief can be given, it ought to go to those who need it most, and not those who need it least, as this Republican rich man\'s tax bill did when they passed it over my veto on the third try.\nThe first one of these was so rotten that they couldn\'t even stomach it themselves. They finally did send one that was somewhat improved, but it still helps the rich and sticks a knife into the back of the poor.\nNow the Republicans came here a few weeks ago, and they wrote a platform. I hope you have all read that platform. They adopted the platform, and that platform had a lot of promises and statements of what the Republican Party is for, and what they would do if they were in power. They promised to do in that platform a lot of things I have been asking them to do that they have refused to do when they had the power.\nThe Republican platform cries about cruelly high prices. I have been trying to get them to do something about high prices ever since they met the first time.\nNow listen! This is equally as bad, and as cynical. The Republican platform comes out for slum clearance and low-rental housing. I have been trying to get them to pass that housing bill ever since they met the first time, and it is still resting in the Rules Committee, that bill.\nThe Republican platform favors educational opportunity and promotion of education. I have been trying to get Congress to do something about that ever since they came there, and that bill is at rest in the House of Representatives.\nThe Republican platform is for extending and increasing social security benefits. Think of that! Increasing social security benefits! Yet when they had the opportunity, they took 750,000 off the social security rolls !\nI wonder if they think they can fool the people of the United States with such poppycock as that!\nThere is a long list of these promises in that Republican platform. If it weren\'t so late, I would tell you all about them. I have discussed a number of these failures of the Republican 80th Congress. Every one of them is important. Two of them are of major concern to nearly every American family. They failed to do anything about high prices, they failed to do anything about housing.\nMy duty as President requires that I use every means within my power to get the laws the people need on matters of such importance and urgency.\nI am therefore calling this Congress back into session July 26th.\nOn the 26th day of July, which out in Missouri we call \"Turnip Day,\" I am going to call Congress back and ask them to pass laws to halt rising prices, to meet the housing crisis--which they are saying they are for in their platform.\nAt the same time I shall ask them to act upon other vitally needed measures such as aid to education, which they say they are for; a national health program; civil rights legislation, which they say they are for; an increase in the minimum wage, which I doubt very much they are for; extension of the social security coverage and increased benefits, which they say they are for; funds for projects needed in our program to provide public power and cheap electricity. By indirection, this 80th Congress has tried to sabotage the power policies the United States has pursued for 14 years. That power lobby is as bad as the real estate lobby, which is sitting on the housing bill.\nI shall ask for adequate and decent laws for displaced persons in place of this anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which this 80th Congress passed.\nNow, my friends, if there is any reality behind that Republican platform, we ought to get some action from a short session of the 80th Congress. They can do this job in 15 days, if they want to do it. They will still have time to go out and run for office.\nThey are going to try to dodge their responsibility. They are going to drag all the red herrings they can across this campaign, but I am here to say that Senator Barkley and I are not going to let them get away with it.\nNow, what that worst 80th Congress does in this special session will be the test. The American people will not decide by listening to mere words, or by reading a mere platform. They will decide on the record, the record as it has been written. And in the record is the stark truth, that the battle lines of 1948 are the same as they were in 1932, when the Nation lay prostrate and helpless as a result of Republican misrule and inaction.\nIn 1932 we were attacking the citadel of special privilege and greed. We were fighting to drive the money changers from the temple. Today, in 1948, we are now the defenders of the stronghold of democracy and of equal opportunity, the haven of the ordinary people of this land and not of the favored classes or the powerful few. The battle cry is just the same now as it was in 1932, and I paraphrase the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt as he issued the challenge, in accepting nomination in Chicago: \"This is more than a political call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to win in this new crusade to keep America secure and safe for its own people.\"\nNow my friends, with the help of God and the wholehearted push which you can put behind this campaign, we can save this country from a continuation of the 80th Congress, and from misrule from now on.\nI must have your help. You must get in and push, and win this election. 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President, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention, My Fellow Citizens.\nI accept your nomination and your program.\nI should have preferred to hear those words uttered by a stronger, a wiser, a better man than myself. But, after listening to the President\'s speech, I even feel better about myself. None of you, my friends, can wholly appreciate what is in my heart. I can only hope that you understand my words. They will be few.\nI have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it, because I aspired to another office, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gift of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize.\nI would not seek your nomination for the Presidency, because the burdens of that office stagger the imagination. Its potential for good or evil, now and in the years of our lives, smothers exultation and converts vanity to prayer.\nI have asked the Merciful Father -- the Father of us all -- to let this cup pass from me, but from such dreaded responsibility one does not shrink in fear, in self-interest, or in false humility. So, \"If this cup may not pass from me, except I drink it, Thy will be done.\"\nThat my heart has been troubled, that I have not sought this nomination, that I could not seek it in good conscience, that I would not seek it in honest self-appraisal, is not to say that I value it the less. Rather, it is that I revere the office of the Presidency of the United States. And now, my friends, that you have made your decision, I will fight to win that office with -- with all my heart and my soul. And, with your help, I have no doubt that we will win.\nYou have summoned me to the highest mission within the gift of any people. I could not be more proud. Better men than I were at hand for this mighty task, and I owe to you and to them every resource of mind and of strength that I possess to make your deed today a good one for our country and for our party. I am confident too, that your selection for -- of a candidate for Vice President will strengthen me and our party immeasurably in the hard, the implacable work that lies ahead of all of us.\nI know you join me in gratitude and respect for the great Democrats and the leaders of our generation whose names you have considered here in this convention, whose vigor, whose character, whose devotion to the Republic we love so well have won the respect of countless Americans and have enriched our party. I shall need them; we shall need them, because I have not changed in any respect since yesterday.\nYour nomination, awesome as I find it, has not enlarged my capacities, so I am profoundly grateful and emboldened by their comradeship and their fealty, and I have been deeply moved by their expressions of good will and of support. And I cannot, my friends, resist the urge to take the one opportunity that has been afforded me to pay my humble respects to a very great and good American, whom I am proud to call my kinsman, Alben Barkely of Kentucky.\nLet me say, too, that I have been heartened by the conduct of this convention. You have argued and disagreed, because as Democrats you care and you cared deeply. But you have disagreed and argued without calling each other liars and thieves, without despoiling our best traditions --you have not spoiled our best traditions in any naked struggles for power.\nAnd you have written a platform that neither equivocates, contradicts, nor evades. You have restated our party\'s record, its principles and its purposes, in language that none can mistake, and with a firm confidence in justice, freedom, and peace on earth that will raise the hearts and the hopes of mankind for that distant day when no one rattles a saber and no one drags a chain.\nFor all things I am grateful to you. But I feel no exultation, no sense of triumph. Our troubles are all ahead of us. Some will call us appeasers; others will say that we are the war party. Some will say we are reactionary; other swill say that we stand for socialism. There will be inevitable -- the inevitable cries of \"throw the rascals out,\" \"it\'s time for a change,\" and so on and so on.\nWe\'ll hear all those things and many more besides. But we will hear nothing that we have not heard before. I\'m not too much concerned with partisan denunciation, with epithets and abuse, because the workingman, the farmer, the thoughtful businessman, all know that they are better off than ever before, and they all know the Great Depression under the hammer blows of the Democratic party.\nNor am I afraid that the precious two-party system is in danger. Certainly the Republican party looked brutally alive a couple of weeks ago -- and I mean both Republican parties. Nor am I afraid the Democratic party is old and fat and indolent. After a hundred and fifty years, it has been old for a long time, and it will never be indolent, as long as it looks forward and not back, as long as it commands the allegiance of the young and the hopeful who dream the dreams and see the visions of a better America and a better world.\nYou will hear many sincere and thoughtful people express concern about the continuation of one party in power for twenty years. I don\'t belittle this attitude. But change for the sake of change has no absolute merit in itself. If our greatest hazard is preservation of the values of Western civilization, in our self-interest alone, if you please, it is the part -- is it the part of wisdom to change for the sake of change to a party with a split personality, to a leader, whom we all respect, but who has been called upon to minister to a hopeless case of political schizophrenia?\nIf the fear is corruption in official position, do you believe with Charles Evans Hughes that guild is personal and knows no party? Do you doubt the power of any political leader, if he has the will too do so, to set his own house in order without his neighbors having to burn it down?\nWhat does concern me, in common with thinking partisans of both parties, is not just winning this election but how it is won, how well we can take advantage of this great quadrennial opportunity to debate issues sensibly and soberly. I hope and pray that we Democrats, win or lose, can campaign not as a crusade to exterminate the opposing party, as our opponents seem to prefer, but as a great opportunity to educated and elevate a people whose destiny is leadership, not alone of a rich and prosperous, contented country, as in the past, but of a world in ferment.\nAnd, my friends even more important than winning the election is governing the nation. That is the test of a political party, the acid, final test. When the tumult and the shouting die, when the bands are gone and the lights are dimmed, there is the stark reality of responsibility in an hour of history haunted with those gaunt, grim specters of strife, dissension, and materialism at home and ruthless, inscrutable, and hostile power abroad.\nThe ordeal of the twentieth century, the bloodiest, most turbulent era of the whole Christian age, is far from over. Sacrifice, patience, understanding, and implacable purpose may be our lot of years to come. Let\'s face it. Let\'s talk sense to the American people. Let\'s tell them the truth, that there are no gains without pains, that there -- that we are now on the eve of great decisions, not easy decisions, like resistance when you\'re attacked, but a long, patient, costly struggle which alone can assure triumph over the great enemies of man -- war, poverty, and tyranny -- and the assaults upon human dignity which are the most grievous consequences of each.\nLet\'s tell them that the victory to be won in the twentieth century, this portal to the Golden Age, mocks the pretensions of individual acumen and ingenuity, for it is a citadel guarded by thick walls of ignorance and of mistrust which do not fall before the trumpets\' blast or the politicians\' imprecations or even a general\'s baton. The are, they are, my friends, walls that must be directly stormed by the hosts of courage, of morality, and of vision, standing shoulder to shoulder, unafraid of ugly truth, contemptuous of lies, half truths, circuses, and demagoguery.\nThe people are wise, wiser than the Republicans think. And the Democratic party is the people\'s party -- not the labor party, not the farmers\' party, not the employers\' party -- it is the party of no one because it is the party of everyone.\nThat, that, I -- I think, is our ancient mission. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in these years of darkness, of doubt, and of crisis which stretch beyond the horizon of tonight\'s happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose, Thus we will serve our great tradition greatly.\nI ask of you all you have. I will give you all I have, even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic party, by a lifetime of service and bravery that will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and of the Democratic party -- President Harry S. Truman.\nAnd finally, my friends, in this staggering task you have assigned me, I shall always try \"to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with my 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President, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention, My Fellow Citizens:\nI accept your nomination and your program. And I pledge to you every resource mind and strength that I possess to make your deed today a good one for our country and for our party.\nFour years ago I stood in this same place and uttered those same words to you. But four years ago we lost. This time we will win!\nMy heart is full tonight, as the scenes and faces and events of those busy years in between crowd my mind.\nTo you here tonight and across the country who have sustained me in this great undertaking for months and even years, I am deeply, humbly grateful: and to none more than the noble lady who is also the treasurer of a legacy of greatness -- Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, who has reminded us so movingly that this is 1956 and not 1932, nor even 1952; that our problems alter as well as their solutions; that change is the law of life, and that political parties, no less than individuals ignore it as their peril.\nI salute also the distinguished American who has been more than equal to the hard test of disagreement and has now reaffirmed our common cause so graciously -- President Harry Truman. I am glad to have you on my side again, Sir!\nI am sure that the country is as grateful to this Convention as I am for it\'s action of this afternoon. It has renewed and reaffirmed our faith in free democratic processes.\nThe office of the Vice-Presidency has been dignified by the manner of your selection as well as by the distinction of your choice. Senator Kefauver is a great Democrat and a great campaigner -- as I have reason to know better than anybody!\nIf we are elected and it is God\'s will that I do not serve my full four years, the people will have a new President whom they can trust. He has dignity; he has convictions, and he will command respect of the American people of the world.\nThe program you have written is, I think more than a consensus of the strongly held convictions of a strong man; it is a signpost toward that New America. It speaks of the issues of our time with passion for justice, with reverence for our history and character, with a long view of the American future, and with sober, fervent dedication to the goal of peace on earth.\nNor has it evaded the current problems in the relations between the races who comprise America, problems which have so often tormented out national life. Of course there is disagreement in the Democratic Party on desegregation. It would not be otherwise in the only party that must speak responsibly and responsively in both the North and the South. If all of us are not wholly satisfied with what we have said on this explosive subject it is because we have only spoken the only way a truly national party can -- by understanding accommodation of conflicting views.\nBut in so doing, in substituting realism and persuasion for the extremes of force or nullification, our party has preserved its effectiveness, it has avoided a sectional crisis, and it has contributed to our national unity as only a national party could.\nAs President it would be my purpose to press on in accordance with our platform toward the fuller freedom for all our citizens which is at once our party\'s pledge and the American promise.\nI do not propose to make political capital out of the President\'s illness. His ability to personally fulfill the demands of his exacting office is a matter between him and the American people. So far as I am concerned that is where the matter rests. As we all do, I wish deeply for the President\'s health and well being.\nBut if the condition of President Eisenhower is not and issue as far as I am concerned, the condition and the conduct of the President\'s office and of the administration is very much an issue.\nThe men who run the Eisenhower administration evidently believe that the minds of Americans can be manipulated by shows, slogans and the arts of advertising. And that conviction will, I dare say, be backed up by the greatest torrent of money ever poured out to influence an American election -- poured out by men who fear nothing so much as change and who want everything to stay as it is -- only more so.\nThis idea that you can merchandise candidates for high office like breakfast cereal -- that you can gather votes like box tops -- is, I think, the ultimate indignity to the democratic process. And we Democrats must also face the fact that no administration has ever before enjoyed such uncritical and enthusiastic support from so mush of the press as this one.\nBut let us ask the people of our country to what great purpose for all the Republic has the President\'s popularity and this unrivalled opportunity for leadership been put? Has the Eisenhower administration used this opportunity to elevate us? To inspire us? Did it, in a time of headlong, worldwide, revolutionary change, prepare us for stern decisions and great risks? Did it, in short, give men and women a glimpse of the nobility and vision without which peoples and nations perish?\nOr did it just reassure us that all is well, everything is all right, that everyone is prosperous and safe, that no great decisions are required of us, and that even the Presidency of the United States has somehow become as easy job?\nI will have to confess that the Republican administration has performed a minor miracle -- after twenty years of incessant damnation of the New Deal they not only haven\'t repealed it but they have swallowed it, or most of it, and it looks as though they could keep it down at least until after the election.\nI suppose we should be thankful that they have caught up with the New Deal at last, but what have they done to take advantage of the great opportunities of these times -- a generation after the New Deal?\nWell, I say they have smothered us in smiles and complacency while our social and economic advancement has ground to a halt and while our leadership and the security in the world have been imperiled.\nIn spite of these unparalleled opportunities to lead at home and abroad they have, I say, been wasting our opportunities and losing our world.\nI say that what this country needs is not propaganda and a personality cult, what this country needs is leadership and truth. And that\'s what we mean to give it.\nWhat is truth?\nThe truth is that the Republican party is a house divided. The truth is that President Eisenhower, cynically coveted as a candidate but ignored as a leader, is largely indebted to Democrats in Congress for what accomplishments he can claim.\nThe truth is that everyone is not prosperous. The truth is that the farmer, especially the family farmer who matters most, has not had his fair share of the national income and the Republican have done nothing to help him -- until an election year.\nThe truth is that thirty million Americans live today in families trying to make ends meet on less than $2,000 a year. The truth is that the small farmer, the small businessman, the teacher, the white collar worker , and the retired citizen trying to pay today\'s prices on yesterdays pension -- all these are in serious trouble.\nThe truth is that in this government of the big men -- big financially -- no one speaks for the little man.\nThe truth is not that our policy abroad has Communist on the run. The truth, unhappily, is not -- in the Republican President\'s words -- that our \'prestige since the last World War has never been as high as it is today.\' The truth is that it has never been lower,\nThe truth is that we are losing the military advantage, the economic initiative and the moral leadership.\nThe truth is not that we are winning the cold war. The truth is that we are losing the cold war.\nDon\'t misunderstand me. I, for one, am ready to acknowledge the sincerity of the Republican President\'s desire for peace and happiness for all. But good intentions are not good enough and the country is stalled on dead center -- stalled in the middle of the road -- while the world goes whirling by. America, which has lifted man to his highest economic state, which has saved freedom in war and peace, which saved collective security, no longer sparks and flames and gives off new ideas and initiatives. Our lights are dimmed. We chat complacently of this and that while, in Carlyle\'s phrase, \'Death and eternity sit glaring.\' And I could add that opportunity, neglected opportunity, sits glaring too!\nBut you cannot surround the future with arms, you cannot dominate the racing world by standing still. And I say it is time to get up and get moving again. It is time for America to be herself again.\nAnd that is what this election is all about!\nHere at home we can make good the lost opportunities; we can recover the wasted years; we can cross the threshold to the New America.\nWhat we need is a rebirth of leadership -- leadership which will give us a glimpse of the nobility and vision without which peoples and nations perish. Woodrow Wilson said that \'when America loses its ardor for mankind it is time to elect a Democratic President.\' There doesn\'t appear to be much ardor in America just now for anything, and it\'s time to elect a Democratic administration and a Democratic Congress, Yes, and a Democratic government in every state and local office across the land.\nIn our hearts we know that the horizons of the New America are as endless, Its promise as staggering in its richness as the unfolding miracle of human knowledge. America renews itself with every forward thrust of the human mind.\nWe live at a time when automation is ushering in a second Industrial Revolution, and the powers of the atom are about to be harnessed for ever greater production. We live at a time when even the ancient spectre of hunger is vanishing. This is the age of abundance. Never in history has there been such and opportunity to show what we can do to improve the quality of living now that the terrible, grinding, anxieties of the daily bread, of clothing and shelter, are disappearing. With leadership, Democratic leadership, we can do justice to our children, we can repair the ravages of time and neglect in our schools. We can and we will!\nWith leadership, Democratic leadership, we can restore the vitality of the American family farm. We can preserve the position of small business without injury to the large. We can strengthen labor unions and collective bargaining as vital institutions in a free economy. We can and our party history proves we will!\nWith leadership, Democratic leadership, we can conserve our resources of land and forest and water and develop them for benefit of all. We can and the record shows that we will!\nWith leadership, Democratic leadership, we can rekindle the spirit of liberty emblazoned in the Bill of Rights; we can build this New America where the doors of opportunity are open equally to all, yes, the doors of our school rooms. We can make this a land where opportunity is founded only on responsibility and freedom of faith, and where nothing can smother the lonely defiant spirit of the free intelligence. We can, and by our traditions as a Party we will!\nAll these things we can do and we will. But in the international field the timing is only partially our own. Here the \'unrepentant minute\' once missed, may be missed forever. Other forces, growing yearly in potency, dispute with us the direction of our times. Here more than anywhere guidance and illumination are needed in the terrifying century of the hydrogen bomb. Here more than anywhere we must move, and rapidly, to repair the ravages of the past four years to America\'s repute and influence abroad.\nWe must move with speed and confidence to reverse the spread of Communism. We must strengthen the political and economic fabric of our alliances. We must launch new programs to meet the challenge of the vast social revolution that is sweeping the world and turn the violent forces of change to the side of freedom.\nWe must protect the new nations in the exercise of their full independence; and we must help other peoples out of Communist or colonial servitude along the hard road to freedom.\nAnd we must place out nation where it belongs in the eyes of the world -- at the head of the struggle for peace. For in this nuclear age peace is no longer a visionary ideal. It has become an absolute, imperative necessity. Humanity\'s long struggle against war has to be won and won now. Yes, and I say it can be won.\nIt is time to listen again to our hearts, to speak again of our ideals, to be again our own great selves.\nThere is a spiritual hunger in the world today and it cannot be satisfied by material things alone. Our forebears came here to worship God. We must not let our aspirations so diminish that our worship becomes rather a Bigness -- bigness of material achievement.\nFor a century and a half the Democratic Party has been the party of respect for the people, of reverence for life, of hope for each child\'s future, of belief that \'the highest revelation is that God is in every man.\'\nOnce we were not ashamed in this country to be idealists. Once we were proud to confess that an American is a man who wants peace and believes in a better future and loves his fellow man. We must reclaim these great Christian and humane ideas. We must dare to say again that the American cause is the cause of all mankind.\nIf we are to make honest citizens of out hearts we must unite them again to the ideals in which they have always believed and give those ideals the courage of out tongues.\nStanding as we do here tonight at this great fork of history, may we never be silenced, may we never lose our faith in freedom and the better destiny of 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Stevenson, Senator Johnson, Mr. Butler, Senator Symington, Senator Humphrey, Speaker Rayburn, Fellow Democrats, I want to express my thanks to Governor Stevenson for his generous and heart-warming introduction.\nIt was my great honor to place his name in nomination at the 1956 Democratic Convention, and I am delighted to have his support and his counsel and his advice in the coming months ahead.\nWith a deep sense of duty and high resolve, I accept your nomination.\nI accept it with a full and grateful heart--without reservation--and with only one obligation--the obligation to devote every effort of body, mind and spirit to lead our Party back to victory and our Nation back to greatness.\nI am grateful, too, that you have provided me with such an eloquent statement of our Party\'s platform. Pledges which are made so eloquently are made to be kept. \"The Rights of Man\"--the civil and economic rights essential to the human dignity of all men--are indeed our goal and our first principles. This is a Platform on which I can run with enthusiasm and conviction.\nAnd I am grateful, finally, that I can rely in the coming months on so many others--on a distinguished running-mate who brings unity to our ticket and strength to our Platform, Lyndon Johnson--on one of the most articulate statesmen of our time, Adlai Stevenson--on a great spokesman for our needs as a Nation and a people, Stuart Symington--and on that fighting campaigner whose support I welcome, President Harry S. Truman-- on my traveling companion in Wisconsin and West Virginia, Senator Hubert Humphrey. On Paul Butler, our devoted and courageous Chairman.\nI feel a lot safer now that they are on my side again. And I am proud of the contrast with our Republican competitors. For their ranks are apparently so thin that not one challenger has come forth with both the competence and the courage to make theirs an open convention.\nI am fully aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, by nominating someone of my faith, has taken on what many regard as a new and hazardous risk--new, at least since 1928. But I look at it this way: the Democratic Party has once again placed its confidence in the American people, and in their ability to render a free, fair judgment. And you have, at the same time, placed your confidence in me, and in my ability to render a free, fair judgment--to uphold the Constitution and my oath of office--and to reject any kind of religious pressure or obligation that might directly or indirectly interfere with my conduct of the Presidency in the national interest. My record of fourteen years supporting public education--supporting complete separation of church and state--and resisting pressure from any source on any issue should be clear by now to everyone.\nI hope that no American, considering the really critical issues facing this country, will waste his franchise by voting either for me or against me solely on account of my religious affiliation. It is not relevant. I want to stress, what some other political or religious leader may have said on this subject. It is not relevant what abuses may have existed in other countries or in other times. It is not relevant what pressures, if any, might conceivably be brought to bear on me. I am telling you now what you are entitled to know: that my decisions on any public policy will be my own--as an American, a Democrat and a free man.\nUnder any circumstances, however, the victory we seek in November will not be easy. We all know that in our hearts. We recognize the power of the forces that will be aligned against us. We know they will invoke the name of Abraham Lincoln on behalf of their candidate--despite the fact that the political career of their candidate has often seemed to show charity toward none and malice for all.\nWe know that it will not be easy to campaign against a man who has spoken or voted on every known side of every known issue. Mr. Nixon may feel it is his turn now, after the New Deal and the Fair Deal--but before he deals, someone had better cut the cards.\nThat \"someone\" may be the millions of Americans who voted for President Eisenhower but balk at his would be, self-appointed successor. For just as historians tell us that Richard I was not fit to fill the shoes of bold Henry II--and that Richard Cromwell was not fit to wear the mantle of his uncle--they might add in future years that Richard Nixon did not measure to the footsteps of Dwight D. Eisenhower.\nPerhaps he could carry on the party policies--the policies of Nixon, Benson, Dirksen and Goldwater. But this Nation cannot afford such a luxury. Perhaps we could better afford a Coolidge following Harding. And perhaps we could afford a Pierce following Fillmore. But after Buchanan this nation needed a Lincoln--after Taft we needed a Wilson--after Hoover we needed Franklin Roosevelt. . . . And after eight years of drugged and fitful sleep, this nation needs strong, creative Democratic leadership in the White House.\nBut we are not merely running against Mr. Nixon. Our task is not merely one of itemizing Republican failures. Nor is that wholly necessary. For the families forced from the farm will know how to vote without our telling them. The unemployed miners and textile workers will know how to vote. The old people without medical care--the families without a decent home--the parents of children without adequate food or schools--they all know that it\'s time for a change.\nBut I think the American people expect more from us than cries of indignation and attack. The times are too grave, the challenge too urgent, and the stakes too high--to permit the customary passions of political debate. We are not here to curse the darkness, but to light the candle that can guide us through that darkness to a safe and sane future. As Winston Churchill said on taking office some twenty years ago: if we open a quarrel between the present and the past, we shall be in danger of losing the future.\nToday our concern must be with that future. For the world is changing. The old era is ending. The old ways will not do.\nAbroad, the balance of power is shifting. There are new and more terrible weapons--new and uncertain nations--new pressures of population and deprivation. One-third of the world, it has been said, may be free--but one-third is the victim of cruel repression--and the other one- third is rocked by the pangs of poverty, hunger and envy. More energy is released by the awakening of these new nations than by the fission of the atom itself.\nMeanwhile, Communist influence has penetrated further into Asia, stood astride the Middle East and now festers some ninety miles off the coast of Florida. Friends have slipped into neutrality--and neutrals into hostility. As our keynoter reminded us, the President who began his career by going to Korea ends it by staying away from Japan.\nThe world has been close to war before--but now man, who has survived all previous threats to his existence, has taken into his mortal hands the power to exterminate the entire species some seven times over.\nHere at home, the changing face of the future is equally revolutionary. The New Deal and the Fair Deal were bold measures for their generations--but this is a new generation.\nA technological revolution on the farm has led to an output explosion--but we have not yet learned to harness that explosion usefully, while protecting our farmers\' right to full parity income.\nAn urban population explosion has overcrowded our schools, cluttered up our suburbs, and increased the squalor of our slums.\nA peaceful revolution for human rights--demanding an end to racial discrimination in all parts of our community life--has strained at the leashes imposed by timid executive leadership.\nA medical revolution has extended the life of our elder citizens without providing the dignity and security those later years deserve. And a revolution of automation finds machines replacing men in the mines and mills of America, without replacing their incomes or their training or their needs to pay the family doctor, grocer and landlord.\nThere has also been a change--a slippage--in our intellectual and moral strength. Seven lean years of drouth and famine have withered a field of ideas. Blight has descended on our regulatory agencies--and a dry rot, beginning in Washington, is seeping into every corner of America--in the payola mentality, the expense account way of life, the confusion between what is legal and what is right. Too many Americans have lost their way, their will and their sense of historic purpose.\nIt is a time, in short, for a new generation of leadership--new men to cope with new problems and new opportunities.\nAll over the world, particularly in the newer nations, young men are coming to power--men who are not bound by the traditions of the past--men who are not blinded by the old fears and hates and rivalries--young men who can cast off the old slogans and delusions and suspicions.\nThe Republican nominee-to-be, of course, is also a young man. But his approach is as old as McKinley. His party is the party of the past. His speeches are generalities from Poor Richard\'s Almanac. Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo--and today there can be no status quo.\nFor I stand tonight facing west on what was once the last frontier. From the lands that stretch three thousand miles behind me, the pioneers of old gave up their safety, their comfort and sometimes their lives to build a new world here in the West. They were not the captives of their own doubts, the prisoners of their own price tags. Their motto was not \"every man for himself\" --but \"all for the common cause.\" They were determined to make that new world strong and free, to overcome its hazards and its hardships, to conquer the enemies that threatened from without and within.\nToday some would say that those struggles are all over--that all the horizons have been explored--that all the battles have been won-- that there is no longer an American frontier.\nBut I trust that no one in this vast assemblage will agree with those sentiments. For the problems are not all solved and the battles are not all won--and we stand today on the edge of a New Frontier--the frontier of the 1960\'s--a frontier of unknown opportunities and perils-- a frontier of unfulfilled hopes and threats.\nWoodrow Wilson\'s New Freedom promised our nation a new political and economic framework. Franklin Roosevelt\'s New Deal promised security and succor to those in need. But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises--it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them. It appeals to their pride, not to their pocketbook--it holds out the promise of more sacrifice instead of more security.\nBut I tell you the New Frontier is here, whether we seek it or not. Beyond that frontier are the uncharted areas of science and space, unsolved problems of peace and war, unconquered pockets of ignorance and prejudice, unanswered questions of poverty and surplus. It would be easier to shrink back from that frontier, to look to the safe mediocrity of the past, to be lulled by good intentions and high rhetoric--and those who prefer that course should not cast their votes for me, regardless of party.\nBut I believe the times demand new invention, innovation, imagination, decision. I am asking each of you to be pioneers on that New Frontier. My call is to the young in heart, regardless of age--to all who respond to the Scriptural call: \"Be strong and of a good courage; be not afraid, neither be thou dismayed.\"\nFor courage--not complacency--is our need today--leadership--not salesmanship. And the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead, and lead vigorously. A tired nation, said David Lloyd George, is a Tory nation--and the United States today cannot afford to be either tired or Tory.\nThere may be those who wish to hear more--more promises to this group or that--more harsh rhetoric about the men in the Kremlin--more assurances of a golden future, where taxes are always low and subsidies ever high. But my promises are in the platform you have adopted--our ends will not be won by rhetoric and we can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves.\nFor the harsh facts of the matter are that we stand on this frontier at a turning-point in history. We must prove all over again whether this nation--or any nation so conceived--can long endure--whether our society--with its freedom of choice, its breadth of opportunity, its range of alternatives--can compete with the single-minded advance of the Communist system.\nCan a nation organized and governed such as ours endure? That is the real question. Have we the nerve and the will? Can we carry through in an age where we will witness not only new breakthroughs in weapons of destruction--but also a race for mastery of the sky and the rain, the ocean and the tides, the far side of space and the inside of men\'s minds?\nAre we up to the task--are we equal to the challenge? Are we willing to match the Russian sacrifice of the present for the future--or must we sacrifice our future in order to enjoy the present?\nThat is the question of the New Frontier. That is the choice our nation must make--a choice that lies not merely between two men or two parties, but between the public interest and private comfort--between national greatness and national decline--between the fresh air of progress and the stale, dank atmosphere of \"normalcy\"--between determined dedication and creeping mediocrity.\nAll mankind waits upon our decision. A whole world looks to see what we will do. We cannot fail their trust, we cannot fail to try.\nIt has been a long road from that first snowy day in New Hampshire to this crowded convention city. Now begins another long journey, taking me into your cities and homes all over America. Give me your help, your hand, your voice, your vote. Recall with me the words of Isaiah: \"They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run and not be weary.\"\nAs we face the coming challenge, we too, shall wait upon the Lord, and ask that he renew our strength. Then shall we be equal to the test. Then we shall not be weary. And then we shall prevail.\nThank 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McCormack, my fellow Americans:\nI accept your nomination.\nI accept the duty of leading this party to victory this year.\nAnd I thank you, I thank you from the bottom of my heart for placing at my side the man that last night you so wisely selected to be the next Vice President of the United States.\nI know I speak for each of you and all of you when I say he proved himself tonight in that great acceptance speech. And I speak for both of us when I tell you that from Monday on he is going to be available for such speeches in all 50 States!\nWe will try to lead you as we were led by that great champion of freedom, the man from Independence, Harry S. Truman.\nBut the gladness of this high occasion cannot mask the sorrow which shares our hearts. So let us here tonight, each of us, all of us, rededicate ourselves to keeping burning the golden torch of promise which John Fitzgerald Kennedy set aflame.\nAnd let none of us stop to rest until we have written into the law of the land all the suggestions that made up the John Fitzgerald Kennedy program. And then let us continue to supplement that program with the kind of laws that he would have us write.\nTonight we offer ourselves--on our record and by our platform--as a party for all Americans, an all-American party for all Americans. This prosperous people, this land of reasonable men, has no place for petty partisanship or peevish prejudice. The needs of all can never be met by parties of the few. The needs of all cannot be met by a business party or a labor party, not by a war party or a peace party, not by a southern party or a northern party.\nOur deeds will meet our needs only if we are served by a party which serves all our people.\nWe are members together of such a party, the Democratic Party of 1964.\nWe have written a proud record of accomplishments for all Americans.\nIf any ask what we have done, just let them look at what we promised to do. For those promises have become our deeds. And the promises of tonight I can assure you will become the deeds of tomorrow.\nWe are in the midst of the largest and the longest period of peacetime prosperity in our history. And almost every American listening to us tonight has seen the results in his own life.\nBut prosperity for most has not brought prosperity to all. And those who have received the bounty of this land--who sit tonight secure in affluence and safe in power-must not now turn from the needs of their neighbors.\nOur party and our Nation will continue to extend the hand of compassion and the hand of affection and love to the old and the sick and the hungry. For who among us dares to betray the command: \"Thou shalt open thine hand--unto thy brother, to thy poor, and to thy needy, in thy land.\"\nThe needs that we seek to fill, the hopes that we seek to realize, are not our needs, our hopes alone. They are the needs and hopes of most of the people.\nMost Americans want medical care for older citizens. And so do I.\nMost Americans want fair and stable prices and decent incomes for our farmers. And so do I.\nMost Americans want a decent home in a decent neighborhood for all. And so do I.\nMost Americans want an education for every child to the limit of his ability. And so do I.\nMost Americans want a job for every man who wants to work. And so do I.\nMost Americans want victory in our war against poverty. And so do I.\nMost Americans want continually expanding and growing prosperity. And so do I.\nThese are your goals. These are our goals. These are the goals and will be the achievements of the Democratic Party. These are the goals of this great, rich Nation. These are the goals toward which I will lead, if the American people choose to follow.\nFor 30 years, year by year, step by step, vote by vote, men of both parties have built a solid foundation for our present prosperity. Too many have worked too long and too hard to see this threatened now by policies which promise to undo all that we have done together over all these years.\nI believe most of the men and women in this hall tonight, and I believe most Americans, understand that to reach our goals in our own land, we must work for peace among all lands.\nAmerica\'s cause is still the cause of all mankind.\nOver the last 4 years the world has begun to respond to a simple American belief: the belief that strength and courage and responsibility are the keys to peace.\nSince 1961, under the leadership of that great President, John F. Kennedy, we have carried out the greatest peacetime buildup of national strength of any nation at any time in the history of the world.\nI report tonight as President of the United States and as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces on the strength of your country, and I tell you that it is greater than any adversary. I assure you that it is greater than the combined might of all the nations, in all the wars, in all the history of this planet. And I report our superiority is growing.\nWeapons do not make peace. Men make peace. And peace comes not through strength alone, but through wisdom and patience and restraint.\nAnd these qualities under the leadership of President Kennedy brought a treaty banning nuclear tests in the atmosphere. And a hundred other nations in the world joined us.\nOther agreements were reached and other steps were taken. And their single guide was to lessen the danger to men without increasing the danger to freedom.\nTheir single purpose was peace in the world.\nAnd as a result of these policies, the world tonight knows where we stand and our allies know where we stand, too. And our adversaries have learned again that we will never waver in the defense of freedom.\nThe true courage of this nuclear age lies in the quest for peace.\nThere is no place in today\'s world for weakness. But there is also no place in today\'s world for recklessness. We cannot act rashly with the nuclear weapons that could destroy us all. The only course is to press with all our mind and all our will to make sure, doubly sure, that these weapons are never really used at all.\nThis is a dangerous and a difficult world in which we live tonight. I promise no easy answers. But I do promise this. I pledge the firmness to defend freedom, the strength to support that firmness, and a constant, patient effort to move the world toward peace instead of war.\nAnd here at home one of our greatest responsibilities is to assure fair play for all of our people.\nEvery American has the right to be treated as a \'person. He should be able to find a job. He should be able to educate his children, he should be able to vote in elections and he should be judged on his merits as a person.\nWell, this is the fixed policy and the fixed determination of the Democratic Party and the United States of America.\nSo long as I am your President I intend to carry out what the Constitution demands--and justice requires--equal justice under law for all Americans.\nWe cannot and we will not allow this great purpose to be endangered by reckless acts of violence. Those who break the law--those who create disorder--whether in the North or the South--must be caught and must be brought to justice.\nAnd I believe that every man and woman in this room tonight join me in saying that in every part of this country the law must be respected and violence must be stopped.\nAnd wherever a local officer seeks help or Federal law is broken, I have pledged and I will use the full resources of the Federal Government.\nLet no one tell you that he can hold back progress and at the same time keep the peace. This is a false and empty promise. To stand in the way of orderly progress is to encourage violence.\nAnd I say tonight to those who wish us well--and to those who wish us ill--the growing forces in this country are the forces of common human decency, and not the forces of bigotry and fear and smear.\nOur problems are many and are great. But our opportunities are even greater.\nAnd let me make this clear. I ask the American people for a mandate--not to preside over a finished program--not just to keep things going, I ask the American people for a mandate to begin.\nThis Nation--this generation--in this hour, has man\'s first chance to build the Great Society--a place where the meaning of man\'s life matches the marvels of man\'s labor.\nWe seek a nation where every man can find reward in work and satisfaction in the use of his talents. We seek a nation where every man can seek knowledge, and touch beauty, and rejoice in the closeness of family and community.\nWe seek a nation where every man can, in the words of our oldest promise, follow the pursuit of happiness--not just security-but achievements and excellence and fulfillment of the spirit.\nSo let us join together in this great task.\nWill you join me tonight in rebuilding our cities to make them a decent place for our children to live in?\nWill you join me tonight in starting a program that will protect the beauty of our land and the air that we breathe ?\nWon\'t you join me tonight in starting a program that will give every child education of the highest quality that he can take?\nSo let us join together in giving every American the fullest life which he can hope for. For the ultimate test of our civilization, the ultimate test of our faithfulness to our past, is not in our goods and is not in our guns. It is in the quality--the quality of our people\'s lives and in the men and women that we produce.\nThis goal can be ours. We have the resources; we have the knowledge. But tonight we must seek the courage.\nBecause tonight the contest is the same that we have faced at every turning point in history. It is not between liberals and conservatives, it is not between party and party, or platform and platform. It is between courage and timidity. It is between those who have vision and those who see what can be, and those who want only to maintain the status quo. It is between those who welcome the future and those who turn away from its promises.\nThis is the true cause of freedom. The man who is hungry, who cannot find work or educate his children, who is bowed by want--that man is not fully free.\nFor more than 30 years, from social security to the war against poverty, we have diligently worked to enlarge the freedom of man. And as a result, Americans tonight are freer to live as they want to live, to. pursue their ambitions, to meet their desires, to raise their families than at any time in all of our glorious history.\nAnd every American knows in his heart that this is right.\nI am determined in all the time that is mine to use all the talents that I have for bringing this great, lovable land, this great Nation of ours, together--together in greater unity in pursuit of this common purpose. I truly believe that we someday will see an America that knows no North or South, no East or West--an America that is undivided by creed or color, and untorn by suspicion or strife.\nThe Founding Fathers dreamed America before it was. The pioneers dreamed of great cities on the wilderness that they crossed.\nOur tomorrow is on its way. It can be a shape of darkness or it can be a thing of beauty. The choice is ours, it is yours, for it will be the dream that we dare to dream.\nI know what kind of a dream Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman and John F. Kennedy would dream if they were here tonight.\nAnd I think that I know what kind of a dream you want to dream.\nTonight we of the Democratic Party confidently go before the people offering answers, not retreat; offering unity, not division; offering hope, not fear or smear.\nWe do offer the people a choice, a choice of continuing on the courageous and the compassionate course that has made this Nation the strongest and the freest and the most prosperous and the most peaceful nation in the history of mankind.\nTo those who have sought to divide us they have only helped to unite us.\nTo those who would provoke us we have turned the other cheek.\nSo as we conclude our labors, let us tomorrow turn to our new task. 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fellow Americans, my fellow Democrats:\nI proudly accept the nomination of our party.\nThis moment is one of personal pride and gratification. Yet one cannot help but reflect the deep sadness that we feel over the troubles and the violence which have erupted regrettably and tragically in the streets of this great city, and for the personal injuries which have occurred. Surely we have learned the lesson that violence breeds more violence and that it cannot be condoned --whatever the source.\nI know that every delegate to this Convention shares tonight my sorrow and my distress for these incidents. And may we, for just one moment, in sober reflection, in serious purpose, may we just quietly and silently — each in our own way — pray for our country. And may we just share for a moment a few of those immortal words of the prayer of St. Francis of Assisi — words which I think may help heal the wounds and lift our hearts. Listen to this immortal saint: \"Where there is hatred, let me sow love; where there is injury, pardon; where there is doubt, faith; where there is despair, hope; where there is darkness, light.\"\nThose are the words of a saint. And may those of us of less purity listen to them well. And may America tonight resolve that never, never again shall we see what we have seen.\nYes, I accept your nomination in this spirit that I have spoken, knowing that the months and the years ahead will severely test our America. And as this America is tested once again, we give our testament to America. And I do not think it is sentimental nor is it cheap — that each and everyone of us in our own way should once again reaffirm to ourselves and our posterity — that we love this nation — we love America.\nThis is not the first time that our nation has faced a challenge to its life and its purpose.\nEach time that we have faced these challenges, we have emerged with new greatness and with new strength.\nWe must make this moment of crisis a moment of creation. As it has been said: \"In the worst of times, a great people must do the best of things.\"\nAnd let us do it.\nWe stand at such a moment now — in the affair of this nation. Because, my fellow Americans, something new, something different has happened. It is the end of an era and is the beginning of a new day.\nIt is the special genius of the Democratic Party that it welcomes change, not as an enemy but as an ally ...not as a force to be suppressed, but as an instrument of progress to be encouraged.\nThis week our Party has debated the great issues before America in this very hall.\nHad we not raised these issues, troublesome as they were, we would have ignored the reality of change.\nHad we papered over differences with empty platitudes instead of frank, hard debate, we would deserve the contempt of our fellow citizens and the condemnation of history.\nWe have heard hard and sometimes bitter debate.\nBut I submit that this is the debate and this is the work of free people, the work of an open convention, and the work of political party responsive to the needs of this nation.\nDemocracy affords debate, discussion and dissent.\nBut it also requires decision.\nAnd we have decided, here, not by edict but by vote — not by force but by ballot.\nMajority rule has prevailed, while minority rights are preserved.\nThere is always the temptation to leave the scene of battle in anger and despair, but those who know the true meaning of democracy accept the decision of today, but never relinquish their right to change it tomorrow.\nIn the space of one week, this Convention has laid the foundations for a new Democratic Party structure in America. From precinct level to the floor of this Convention, we have revolutionized our rules and procedures.\nAnd that revolution is in the proud tradition of our Party.\nIn the tradition of Franklin Roosevelt, who knew that America had nothing to fear but fear itself...and it is in the tradition of Harry Truman who let\'em have it and told it like it was. And that\'s the way we\'re going to do it from here on out.\nIt is in the tradition of that beloved man, Adlai Stevenson, who talked sense to the American people. And, oh, tonight, how we miss that great, good and gentle man of peace in America.\nAnd my fellow Americans, all that we do and all that we ever hope to do, must be in the tradition of John F. Kennedy who said to us: \"Ask not what your country can do for you, but what can you do for your country.\"\nAnd my fellow Democrats and my fellow Americans, in the spirit of that great man, ask what together we can do for the freedom of man.\nAnd what we are doing is in the tradition of Lyndon B. Johnson who rallied a grief-stricken nation when our leader was stricken by the assassin\'s bullet and said to you and said to me and said to all the world: \"Let us continue.\"\nAnd in the space of five years since that tragic moment, President Johnson has accomplished more of the unfinished business of America than any of his modern predecessors.\nI do believe that history will surely record the greatness of his contribution to the people of this land.\nAnd tonight, to you, Mr. President, I say: Thank you, thank you, Mr. President.\nAt this convention, too, we have recognized the end of an era and the beginning of a new day.\nAnd that new day belongs to the people — to all of the people everywhere in this land of the people — to every man, woman, and child that is a citizen of the Republic.\nWithin that new day lies nothing less than the promise seen a generation ago by Thomas Wolfe: \"To every man his chance, to every man regardless of his birth, his shining golden opportunity. To every man the right to live and to work and to be himself. And to become whatever thing his manhood and his vision can combine to make him. This is the promise of America.\"\nYes, a new day is here. Across America — throughout the entire world — the forces of emancipation are at work. We hear freedom\'s rising chorus: \"Let me live my own life. Let me live in peace. Let me be free,\" say the people.\nAnd that cry is heard today in our slums and on our farms and in our cities.\nIt is heard from the old, as well as from the young.\nIt is heard in Eastern Europe and it is heard in Vietnam.\nAnd it will be answered by us in how we face the three realities that confront this nation.\nThe first reality is the necessity for peace in Vietnam and in the world.\nThe second reality is the necessity for peace in our cities and in our nation.\nThe third reality is the paramount necessity for unity in our country.\nLet me speak first about Vietnam.\nThere are differences, of course, serious differences, within our Party on this vexing, painful issue of Vietnam. And these differences are found even within the ranks of all the Democratic Presidential candidates.\nOnce you have examined the differences, I hope you will recognize the much larger area of agreement.\nLet those who believe that our cause in Vietnam has been right — and those who believe it has been wrong — agree here and now: Neither vindication nor repudiation will bring peace or be worthy of our country.\nThe question is: What do we do now?\nNo one knows what the situation in Vietnam will be on January 20, 1969.\nEvery heart in America prays that, by then, we shall have reached a cease-fire in all Vietnam, and be in serious negotiation toward a durable peace.\nMeanwhile, as a citizen, a candidate, and Vice President, I pledge to you and to my fellow Americans, that I shall do everything within my power to aid the negotiations and to bring a prompt end to this war.\nMay I remind you of the words of a truly great citizen of the world, Winston Churchill — it was he who said — and we would heed his words well: \"Those who use today and the present to stand in judgment of the past, may well lose the future.\"\nAnd if there is one lesson we should have learned, it is that the policies of tomorrow need not be limited by the policies of yesterday.\nAnd my fellow Americans, if it becomes my high honor to serve as President of these States and people, I shall apply that lesson to the search for peace in Vietnam, as to all areas of national policy.\nNow, let me ask you, do you remember these words, at another time, in a different place: \"Peace and freedom do not come cheap. And we are destined — All of us here today — to live out most, if not all of our lives, in uncertainty and challenge and peril.\"\nThe words of a prophet? Yes.\nThe words of a President? Yes.\nThe words of the challenge of today? Yes.\nAnd the words of John Kennedy to you and to me and to me and to posterity.\nLast week we witnessed once again in Czechoslovakia the desperate attempt of tyranny to crush out the forces of liberalism by force and brutal power — to hold back change. But in Eastern Europe, as elsewhere, the old era will surely end and, there, as here, a new day will dawn.\nAnd to speed this day, we must go far beyond where we\'ve been, beyond containment to communication, beyond differences to dialogue, beyond fear to hope.\nWe must cross the remaining barriers of suspicion and despair.\nWe must halt the arms race before it halts humanity. And is this, is this a vain hope? Is it but a dream? I say the record says no.\nWithin the last few years we have made progress.\nWe have negotiated a Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.\nWe have laid the groundwork for a Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.\nWe have reached agreement on banning weapons in outer space.\nWe have been building patiently stone by stone, each in our own way, the cathedral of peace. And now we must take new initiatives.\nEvery American, black or white, rich or poor, has the right in this land of ours to a safe and a decent neighborhood. And on this there can be no compromise.\nI put it very bluntly. Rioting, sniping, mugging, traffic in narcotics and disregard for law are the advance guard of anarchy and they must and they will be stopped.\nBut may I say most respectfully, particularly to some who have spoken before, the answer lies in reasoned, effective action by state, local and federal authority. The answer does not lie in an attack on our courts, our laws or our Attorney General.\nWe do not want a police state, but we need a state of law and order. And neither mob violence nor police brutality have any place in America.\nAnd I pledge to use every resource that is available to the President to end for once and for all the fear that is in our cities.\nNow let me speak of other rights. Nor can there be any compromise with the right of every American who is able and who is willing to work to have a job, who is willing to be a good neighbor, to be able to live in a decent home in the neighborhood of his own choice.\nNor can there by any compromise with the right of every American who is anxious and willing to learn to have a good education.\nAnd it is to these rights — the right of law and order, the right of life, the right of liberty, the right of a job, the right of a home in a decent neighborhood, and the right to an education — it is to these rights that I pledge my life and whatever capacity and ability I have.\nBut we cannot be satisfied with merely repairing that which is old. We must also move beyond the enclosures of our traditional cities to create new cities, to restore our present cities, yes, and we must bring prosperity and modern living and opportunity to our rural areas.\nWe must design and open America, opening new opportunities for new Americans in open land. I say to this audience, we have invested billions to explore outer space where man may live tomorrow. We must also be willing to invest to develop inner space right here on earth where many may live today.\nAnd now that third reality. Essential if the other two are to be achieved, is the necessity, my fellow American., for unit in our country, for tolerance and forbearance, for holding together as a family. And we must make a great decision: are we to be one nation, or are we to be a nation divided between black and white, between rich and poor, between north and south, between young and old.\nI take my stand. We are and we must be one nation — united by liberty and justice for all, one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. This is our America.\nAnd just as I\'ve said to you that there can be no compromise on the right of personal security, there can be no compromise on securing of human rights.\nIf America is to make a crucial judgment of leadership, in this coming election, then let that selection be made without either candidate hedging or equivocating. Winning the presidency for me is not worth the price of silence or evasion on the issue of human rights.\nAnd winning the presidency, and listen well, winning the presidency is not worth a compact with extremism.\nI choose not simply to run for President. I seek to lead a great nation. And either we achieve true justice in our land or we shall doom ourselves to a terrible exhaustion of body and spirit.\nI base my entire candidacy on the belief which comes from the very depth of my soul, which comes from basic religious conviction that the American people will stand up, that they will stand up for justice and fair play, and that they will respond to the call of one citizenship, one citizenship open to all for all Americans.\nSo this is the message that I shall take to the people and I ask you to stand with me. And to all of my fellow Democrats now who have labored hard and openly this week at the difficult and sometimes frustrating work of democracy, I pledge myself to the task of leading the Democratic Party to victory in November.\nAnd may I say to those who have differed with their neighbor or those who have differed with a fellow Democrat, that all of your goals, that all of your high hopes, that all of your dreams, all of them will come to naught if we lose this election. And many of them can be realized with a victory that can come to us.\nAnd now a word to two good friends, and they are my friends, and they\'re your friends, and they\'re fellow Democrats. To my friend, Gene McCarthy and George McGovern, who have given new hope to a new generation of Americans that there can be greater meaning in their lives, that America can respond to men of moral concern, to these two good Americans I ask your help for our America. And I ask you to help me in the difficult campaign that lies ahead.\nAnd now I appeal to those thousands, yes, millions of young Americans to join us not simply as campaigners but to continue as vocal, creative and even critical participants in the politics of our times. Never were you needed so much and never could you do so much if you were to help now.\nMartin Luther King, Jr. had a dream. Robert F. Kennedy as you saw tonight had a great vision.\nIf America will respond to that dream and that vision, their deaths will not mark the moment when America lost its way, but it will mark the time when America found its conscience.\nThese men have given us inspiration and direction. And I pledge from this platform tonight we shall not abandon their purposes. We shall honor their dreams by our deeds, now and in the days to come.\nI am keenly aware of the fears and frustrations of the world in which we live.\nIt is all too easy to play on these emotions. But I do not intend to do so.\nI do not intend to appeal to fear, but rather to hope.\nI do not intend to appeal to frustration, but rather to your faith.\nI shall appeal to reason and to your good 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O\'Brien, Chairwoman Burke, Senator Kennedy, Senator Eagleton and my fellow citizens, I\'m happy to join us for this benediction of our Friday sunrise service.\nI assume that everyone here is impressed with my control of this Convention in that my choice for Vice President was challenged by only 39 other nominees.\nAnd I can tell you that Eleanor is very grateful that the Oregon delegation at least kept her in the race with Martha Mitchell. So I congratulate you on your patience and I pay my respects to those two superb presiding officers of this convention, Larry O\'Brien and Yvonne Braithwaite Burke.\nSo tonight I accept your nomination with a full and grateful heart.\nThis afternoon I crossed the wide Missouri to recommend a running mate of wide vision and deep compassion, Senator Tom Eagleton.\nI\'m proud to have him at my side, and I\'m proud to have been introduced a moment ago by one of the most eloquent and courageous voices in this land Senator Ted Kennedy.\nMy nomination is all the more precious and that it is a gift of the most open political process in all of our political history.\nIt is the sweet harvest of the work of tens of thousands of tireless volunteers, young and old alike, funded by literally hundreds of thousands of small contributors in every part of this nation.\nThose who lingered on the brink of despair only a short time ago have been brought into this campaign, heart, hand, head and soul, and I have been the beneficiary of the most remarkable political organization in the history of this country.\nIt is an organization that gives dramatic proof to the power of love and to a faith that can literally move mountains.\nAs Yeats put it, \"Count where man\'s glory most begins and ends, and say: My glory was I had such friends.\"\nThis is the people\'s nomination and next January we will restore the government to the people of this country.\nI believe that American politics will never be quite the same again.\nWe are entering a new period of important and hopeful change in America, a period comparable to those eras that unleashed such remarkable ferment in the period of Jefferson and Jackson and Roosevelt.\nLet the opposition collect their $10 million in secret money from the privileged few and let us find one million ordinary Americans who will contribute $25 each to this campaign, a Million Member Club with members who will not expect special favors for themselves but a better land for us all.\nIn the literature and music of our children we are told, to everything there is a season and a time to every purpose under heaven. And for America, the time has come at last.\nThis is the time for truth, not falsehood. In a Democratic nation, no one likes to say that his inspiration came from secret arrangements by closed doors, but in the sense that is how my candidacy began. I am here as your candidate tonight in large part because during four administrations of both parties, a terrible war has been chartered behind closed doors.\nI want those doors opened and I want that war closed. And I make these pledges above all others: the doors of government will be opened, and that war will be closed.\nTruth is a habit of integrity, not a strategy of politics, and if we nurture the habit of truth in this campaign, we will continue to be truthful once we are in the White House.\nLet us say to Americans, as Woodrow Wilson said in his first campaign of 1912, \"Let me inside the government and I will tell you what is going on there.\"\nWilson believed, and I believe, that the destiny of America is always safer in the hands of the people then in the conference rooms of any elite.\nSo let us give our — let us give your country the chance to elect a Government that will seek and speak the truth, for this is the time for the truth in the life of this country.\nAnd this is also a time, not for death, but for life. In 1968 many Americans thought they were voting to bring our sons home from Vietnam in peace, and since then 20,000 of our sons have come home in coffins.\nI have no secret plan for peace. I have a public plan. And as one whose heart has ached for the past ten years over the agony of Vietnam, I will halt a senseless bombing of Indochina on Inaugural Day.\nThere will be no more Asian children running ablaze from bombed-out schools. There will be no more talk of bombing the dikes or the cities of the North.\nAnd within 90 days of my inauguration, every American soldier and every American prisoner will be out of the jungle and out of their cells and then home in America where they belong.\nAnd then let us resolve that never again will we send the precious young blood of this country to die trying to prop up a corrupt military dictatorship abroad.\nThis is also the time to turn away from excessive preoccupation overseas to the rebuilding of our own nation. America must be restored to a proper role in the world. But we can do that only through the recovery of confidence in ourselves.\nI treasure this nomination, especially because it comes after vigorous competition with the ablest men and women our party has to offer.\n—my old and treasured friend and neighbor, Hubert Humphrey;\n—a gracious and a good man from the state of Maine, Ed Muskie;\n—a tough fighter for his own convictions, Scoop Jackson of Washington;\n—and a brave and spirited woman, Shirley Chisholm;\n—a wise and effective lawmaker from Arkansas, Wilbur Mills;\n—And the man from North Carolina who over the years has opened new vistas in education and public excellence, Terry Sanford;\n—the leader who in 1968 combined both the travail and the hope of the American spirit, Senator Eugene McCarthy;\n—And I was as moved as well by the appearance in the Convention Hall of the Governor of Alabama, George Wallace. His votes in the primaries showed clearly the depth of discontent in this country, and his courage in the face of pain and adversity is the mark of a man of boundless will, despite the senseless act that disrupted his campaign. And, Governor, we pray for your full recovery so you can stand up and speak out for all of those who see you as their champion.\nNow, in the months ahead I deeply covet the help of every Democrat, of every Republican, of every Independent who wants this country to be a great and good land that it can be.\nThis is going to be a national campaign, carried to every part of the nation — North, South, East and West. We\'re not conceding a single state to Richard Nixon.\nI should like to say to my friend, Frank King, that Ohio may have passed a few times in this convention, but Tom Eagleton and I are not going to pass Ohio.\nI shall say to Governor Gilligan, Ohio is sometimes a little slow in counting the votes, but when those votes are counted next November, Ohio will be in the Democratic victory column.\nNow, to anyone in this hall or beyond who doubts the ability of Democrats to join together in common cause, I say never underestimate the power of Richard Nixon to bring harmony to Democratic ranks. He is the unwitting unifier and the fundamental issue of this national campaign and all of us are going to help him redeem a pledge made ten years ago — that next year you won\'t have Richard Nixon to kick around anymore.\nWe have had our fury and our frustrations in these past months and at this Convention, but frankly, I welcome the contrast with the smug and dull and empty event which will doubtless take place here in Miami next month.\nWe chose this struggle, we reformed our Party, and we let the people in. So we stand today not as a collection of backroom strategies, not as a tool of ITT or any other special interest. So let our opponents stand on the status quo while we seek to refresh the American spirit.\nI believe that the greatest contribution America can now make to our fellow mortals is to heal our own great but very deeply troubled land. We must respond — we must respond to that ancient command: \"Physician, heal thyself.\"\nNow, it is necessary in an age of nuclear power and hostile forces that we\'ll be militarily strong. America must never become a second-rate nation. As one who has tasted the bitter fruits of our weakness before Pearl Harbor in 1941, I give you my pledge that if I become the President of the United States, America will keep its defenses alert and fully sufficient to meet any danger.\nWe will do that not only for ourselves, but for those who deserve and need the shield of our strength — our old allies in Europe and elsewhere, including the people of Israel who will always have our help to hold their Promised Land.\nYet I believe that every man and woman in this Convention Hall knows that for 30 years we have been so absorbed with fear and danger from abroad that we have permitted our own house to fall into disarray.\nWe must now show that peace and prosperity can exist side by side. Indeed, each now depends on the existence of the other. National strength includes the credibility of our system in the eyes of our own people as well as the credibility of our deterrent in the eyes of others abroad.\nNational security includes schools for our children as well as silos for our missiles.\nIt includes the health of our families as much as the size of our bombs, the safety of our streets, and the condition of our cities, and not just the engines of war.\nIf we some day choke on the pollution of our own air, there will be little consolation in leaving behind a dying continent ringed with steel.\nSo while protecting ourselves abroad, let us form a more perfect union here at home. And this is the time for that task.\nWe must also make this a time of justice and jobs for all our people. For more than three and half years we have tolerated stagnation and a rising level of joblessness, with more than five million of our best workers unemployed at this very moment. Surely, this is the most false and wasteful economics of all.\nOur deep need is not for idleness but for new housing and hospitals, for facilities to combat pollution and take us home from work, for better products able to compete on vigorous world markets.\nThe highest single domestic priority of the next administration will be to ensure that every American able to work has a job to.\nThat job guarantee will and must depend on a reinvigorated private economy, freed at last from the uncertainties and burdens of war, but it is our firm commitment that whatever employment the private sector does not provide, the Federal government will either stimulate or provide itself.\nWhatever it takes, this country is going back to work. America cannot exist with most of our people working and paying taxes to support too many others mired in a demeaning and hopeless welfare mess.\nTherefore, we intend to begin by putting millions back to work and after that is done, we will assure to those unable to work an income fully adequate to a decent life.\nNow beyond this, a program to put America back to work demands that work be properly rewarded. That means the end of a system of economic controls in which labor is depressed, but prices and corporate profit run sky-high.\nIt means a system of national health insurance so that a worker can afford decent health care for himself and his family.\nIt means real enforcement of the laws so that the drug racketeers are put behind bars and our streets are once again safe for our families.\nAnd above all, above all, honest work must be rewarded by a fair and just tax system.\nThe tax system today does not reward hard work: it\'s penalizes it. Inherited or invested wealth frequently multiplies itself while paying no taxes at all. But wages on the assembly line or in farming the land, these hard-earned dollars are taxed to the very last penny.\nThere is a depletion allowance for oil wells, but no depletion for the farmer who feeds us, or the worker who serves as all.\nThe administration tells us that we should not discuss tax reform and the election year. They would prefer to keep all discussion of the tax laws in closed rooms where the administration, its powerful friends, and their paid lobbyists, can turn every effort at reform into a new loophole for the rich and powerful.\nBut an election year is the people\'s year to speak, and this year, the people are going to ensure that the tax system is changed so that work is rewarded and so that those who derive the highest benefits will pay their fair share rather than slipping through the loopholes at the expense of the rest of us.\nSo let us stand for justice and jobs and against special privilege.\nAnd this is the time to stand for those things that are close to the American spirit. We are not content with things as they are. We reject the view of those who say, \"America — love it or leave it. \" We reply, \"Let us change it so we may love it the more.\"\nAnd this is the time. It is the time for this land to become again a witness to the world for what is just and noble in human affairs. It is time to live more with faith and less with fear, with an abiding confidence that can sweep away the strongest barriers between us and teach us that we are truly brothers and sisters.\nSo join with me in this campaign. Lend Senator Eagleton and me your strength and your support, and together we will call America home to the ideals that nourished us from the beginning.\nFrom secrecy and deception in high places; come home, America\nFrom military spending so wasteful that it weakens our nation; come home, America.\nFrom the entrenchment of special privileges in tax favoritism; from the waste of idle lands to the joy of useful labor; from the prejudice based on race and sex; from the loneliness of the aging poor and the despair of the neglected sick — come home, America.\nCome home to the affirmation that we have a dream. Come home to the conviction that we can move our country forward.\nCome home to the belief that we can seek a newer world, and let us be joyful in that homecoming, for this \"is your land, this land is my land — from California to New York island, from the redwood forest to the gulf stream waters — this land was made for you and me.\"\nSo let us close on this note: May God grant each one of us the wisdom to cherish this good land and to meet the great challenge that beckons us home.\nAnd now is the time to meet that challenge.\nGood night, and Godspeed to you 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name is Jimmy Carter, and I\'m running for President.\nIt\'s been a long time since I said those words the first time, and now I\'ve come here after seeing our great country to accept your nomination.\nI accept it, in the words of John F. Kennedy, with a full and grateful heart and with only one obligation: to devote every effort of body, mind and spirit to lead our party back to victory and our nation back to greatness.\nIt\'s a pleasure to be here with all you Democrats and to see that our Bicentennial celebration and our Bicentennial convention has been one of decorum and order without any fights or free-for-alls. Among Democrats that can only happen once every two hundred years. With this kind of a united Democratic Party, we are ready, and eager, to take on the Republicans—whichever Republican Party they decide to send against us in November.\nNineteen seventy-six will not be a year of politics as usual. It can be a year of inspiration and hope, and it will be a year of concern, of quiet and sober reassessment of our nation\'s character and purpose. It has already been a year when voters have confounded the experts. And I guarantee you that it will be the year when we give the government of this country back to the people of this country.\nThere is a new mood in America. We have been shaken by a tragic war abroad and by scandals and broken promises at home. Our people are searching for new voices and new ideas and new leaders.\nAlthough government has its limits and cannot solve all our problems, we Americans reject the view that we must be reconciled to failures and mediocrity, or to an inferior quality of life. For I believe that we can come through this time of trouble stronger than ever. Like troops who have been in combat, we have been tempered in the fire; we have been disciplined, and we have been educated.\nGuided by lasting and simple moral values, we have emerged idealists without illusions, realists who still know the old dreams of justice and liberty, of country and of community.\nThis year we have had thirty state primaries--more than ever before—making it possible to take our campaign directly to the people of America: to homes and shopping centers, to factory shift lines and colleges, to beauty parlors and barbershops, to farmers, markets and union halls.\nThis has been a long and personal campaign—a humbling experience, reminding us that ultimate political influence rests not with the power brokers but with the people. This has been a time of tough debate on the important issues facing our country. This kind of debate is part of our tradition, and as Democrats we are heirs to a great tradition.\nI have never met a Democratic President, but I have always been a Democrat.\nYears ago, as a farm boy sitting outdoors with my family on the ground in the middle of the night, gathered close around a battery radio connected to the automobile battery and listening to the Democratic conventions in far-off cities, I was a long way from the selection process. I feel much closer to it tonight.\nOurs is the party of the man who was nominated by those distant conventions and who inspired and restored this nation in its darkest hours—Franklin D. Roosevelt.\nOurs is the party of a fighting Democrat who showed us that a common man could be an uncommon leader—Harry S. Truman.\nOurs is the party of a brave young President who called the young at heart, regardless of age, to seek a \"New Frontier\" of national greatness—John F. Kennedy.\nAnd ours is also the party of a great-hearted Texan who took office in a tragic hour and who went on to do more than any other President in this century to advance the cause of human rights—Lyndon Johnson.\nOur Party was built out of the sweatshops of the old Lower East Side, the dark mills of New Hampshire, the blazing hearths of Illinois, the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the hard-scrabble farms of the southern coastal plains, and the unlimited frontiers of America.\nOurs is the party that welcomed generations of immigrants—the Jews, the\nIrish, the Italians, the Poles, and all the others, enlisted them in its ranks and fought the political battles that helped bring them into the American mainstream.\nAnd they have shaped the character of our party.\nThat is our heritage. Our party has not been perfect. We have made mistakes, and we have paid for them. But ours is a tradition of leadership and compassion and progress.\nOur leaders have fought for every piece of progressive legislation, from RFD and REA to Social Security and civil rights. In times of need, the Democrats were there.\nBut in recent years our nation has seen a failure of leadership. We have been hurt, and we have been disillusioned. We have seen a wall go up that separates us from our own government.\nWe have lost some precious things that historically have bound our people and our government together. We feel that moral decay has weakened our country, that it is crippled by a lack of goals and values, and that our public officials have lost faith in us.\nWe have been a nation adrift too long. We have been without leadership too long. We have had divided and deadlocked government too long. We have been governed by veto too long. We have suffered enough at the hands of a tired and worn-out administration without new ideas, without youth or vitality, without vision and without the confidence of the American people. There is a fear that our best years are behind us. But I say to you that our nation\'s best is still ahead.\nOur country has lived through a time of torment. It is now a time for healing. We want to have faith again. We want to be proud again. We just want the truth again.\nIt is time for the people to run the government, and not the other way around.\nIt is the time to honor and strengthen our families and our neighborhoods and our diverse cultures and customs.\nWe need a Democratic President and a Congress to work in harmony for a change, with mutual respect for a change. And next year we are going to have that new leadership. You can depend on it!\nIt is time for America to move and to speak not with boasting and belligerence but with a quiet strength, to depend in world affairs not merely on the size of an arsenal but on the nobility of ideas, and to govern at home not by confusion and crisis but with grace and imagination and common sense.\nToo many have had to suffer at the hands of a political economic elite who have shaped decisions and never had to account for mistakes or to suffer from injustice. When unemployment prevails, they never stand in line looking for a job.\nWhen deprivation results from a confused and bewildering welfare system, they never do without food or clothing or a place to sleep. When the public schools are inferior or torn by strife, their children go to exclusive private schools. And when the bureaucracy is bloated and confused, the powerful always manage to discover and occupy niches of special influence and privilege. An unfair tax structure serves their needs. And tight secrecy always seems to prevent reform.\nAll of us must be careful not to cheat each other. Too often unholy, selfperpetuating alliances have been formed between money and politics, and the average citizen has been held at arm\'s length.\nEach time our nation has made a serious mistake the American people have been excluded from the process. The tragedy of Vietnam and Cambodia, the disgrace of Watergate, and the embarrassment of the CIA revelations could have been avoided if our government had simply reflected the sound judgement and good common sense and the high moral character of the American people.\nIt is time for us to take a new look at our own government, to strip away the secrecy, to expose the unwarranted pressure of lobbyists, to eliminate waste, to release our civil servants from bureaucratic chaos, to provide tough management, and always to remember that in any town or city the mayor, the governor, and the President represent exactly the same constituents.\nAs a governor, I had to deal each day with the complicated and confused and overlapping and wasteful federal government bureaucracy. As President, I want you to help me evolve an efficient, economical, purposeful, and manageable government for our nation. Now, I recognize the difficulty, but if I\'m elected, it\'s going to be done. And you can depend on it!\nWe must strengthen the government closest to the people. Business, labor, agriculture, education, science, and government should not struggle in isolation from one another but should be able to strive toward mutual goals and shared opportunities. We should make major investments in people and not in buildings and weapons. The poor, the aged, the weak, the afflicted must be treated with respect and compassion and with love.\nI have spoken a lot of times this year about love. But love must be aggressively translated into simple justice. The test of any government is not how popular it is with the powerful but how honestly and fairly it deals with those who must depend on it.\nIt is time for a complete overhaul of our income tax system. I still tell you: It is a disgrace to the human race. All my life I have heard promises about tax reform, but it never quite happens. With your help, we are finally going to make it happen. And you can depend on it.\nHere is something that can really help our country: It is time for universal voter registration.\nIt is time for a nationwide comprehensive health program for all our people.\nIt is time to guarantee an end to discrimination because of race or sex by full involvement in the decision making process of government by those who know what it is to suffer from discrimination. And they\'ll be in the government if I am elected.\nIt is time for the law to be enforced. We cannot educate children, we cannot create harmony among our people, we cannot preserve basic human freedom unless we have an orderly society.\nCrime and lack of justice are especially cruel to those who are least able to protect themselves. Swift arrest and trial, fair and uniform punishment, should be expected by anyone who would break our laws.\nIt is time for our government leaders to respect the law no less than the humblest citizen, so that we can end once and for all a double standard of justice.\nI see no reason why big-shot crooks should go free and the poor ones go to jail.\nA simple and a proper function of government is just to make it easy for us to do good and difficult for us to do wrong.\nAs an engineer, a planner, a businessman, I see clearly the value to our nation of a strong system of free enterprise based on increase productivity and adequate wages. We Democrats believe that competition is better than regulation, and we intend to combine strong safeguards for consumers with minimal intrusion of government in our free economic system.\nI believe that anyone who is able to work ought to work--and ought to have a chance to work. We will never have an end to the inflationary spiral, we will never have a balanced budget—which I am determined to see--as long as we have eight or nine million Americans out of work who cannot find a job. Any system of economics is bankrupt if it sees either value or virtue in unemployment. We simply cannot check inflation by keeping people out of work.\nThe foremost responsibility of any President, above all else, is to guarantee the security of our nation—a guarantee of freedom from the threat of successful attack or blackmail, and the ability with our allies to maintain peace.\nBut peace is not the mere absence of war. Peace is action to stamp out international terrorism. Peace is the unceasing effort to preserve human rights.\nPeace is a combined demonstration of strength and good will. We will pray for peace and we will work for peace, until we have removed from all nations for all time the threat of nuclear destruction.\nAmerica\'s birth opened a new chapter in mankind\'s history. Ours was the first nation to dedicate itself clearly to basic moral and philosophical principles: that all people are created equal and endowed with inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the power of government is derived from the consent of the governed.\nThis national commitment was a singular act of wisdom and courage, and it brought the best and the bravest from other nations to our shores. It was a revolutionary development that captured the imagination of mankind. It created a basis for a unique role of America—that of a pioneer in shaping more decent and just relations among people and among societies.\nToday, two hundred years later, we must address ourselves to that role, both in what we do at home and how we act abroad\'among people everywhere who have become politically more alert, socially more congested, and increasingly impatient with global inequities, and who are now organized, as you know, into some one hundred and fifty different nations. This calls for nothing less than a sustained architectural effort to shape an international framework of peace within which our own ideals gradually can become a global reality.\nOur nation should always derive its character directly from the people and let this be the strength and the image to be presented to the world—the character of the American people.\nTo our friends and allies I say that what unites us through our common dedication to democracy is much more important than that which occasionally divides us on economics or politics. To the nations that seek to lift themselves from poverty I say that America shares your aspirations and extends its hand to you. To those nation-states that wish to compete with us I say that we neither fear competition nor see it as an obstacle to wider cooperation. To all people I say that after two hundred years America still remains confident and youthful in its commitment to freedom and equality, and we always will be.\nDuring this election year we candidates will ask you for your votes, and from us will be demanded our vision.\nMy vision of this nation and its future has been deepened and matured during the nineteen months that I have campaigned among you for President. I have never had more faith in America than I do today. We have an America that, in Bob Dylan\'s phrase, is busy being born, not busy dying.\nWe can have an America that has reconciled its economic needs with its desire for an environment that we can pass on with pride to the next generation.\nWe can have an America that provides excellence in education to my child and your child and every child.\nWe can have an America that encourages and takes pride in our ethnic diversity, our religious diversity, our cultural diversity—knowing that out of this pluralistic heritage has come the strength and the vitality and the creativity that has made us great and will keep us great.\nWe can have an American government that does not oppress or spy on its own people but respects our dignity and our privacy and our right to be let alone.\nWe can have an America where freedom, on the one hand, and equality, on the other hand, are mutually supportive and not in conflict, and where the dreams of our nation\'s first leaders are fully realized in our own day and age.\nAnd we can have an America which harnesses the idealism of the student, the compassion of a nurse or the social worker, the determination of a farmer, the wisdom of a teacher, the practicality of the business leader, the experience of the senior citizen, and the hope of a laborer to build a better life for us all. And we can have it, and we\'re going to have it!\nAs I\'ve said many times before, we can have an American President who does not govern with negativism and fear of the future, but with vigor and vision and aggressive leadership—a President who\'s not isolated from the people, but who feels your pain and shares your dreams and takes his strength and his wisdom and his courage from you.\nI see an America on the move again, united, a diverse and vital and tolerant nation, entering our third century with pride and confidence, an America that lives up to the majesty of our Constitution and the simple decency of our people.\nThis is the America we want. This is the America that we will have.\nWe will go forward from this convention with some differences of opinion perhaps, but nevertheless united in a calm determination to make our country large and driving and generous in spirit once again, ready to embark on great national deeds. 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Democrats, fellow citizens:\nI thank you for the nomination you\'ve offered me, and I especially thank you for choosing as my running mate the best partner any President ever had, Fritz Mondale.\nWith gratitude and with determination I accept your nomination, and I am proud to run on the progressive and sound platform that you have hammered out at this convention.\nFritz and I will mount a campaign that defines the real issues, a campaign that responds to the intelligence of the American people, a campaign that talks sense. And we\'re going to beat the Republicans in November.\nWe\'ll win because we are the party of a great President who knew how to get reelected—Franklin Delano Roosevelt. And we are the party of a courageous fighter who knew how to give \'em hell—Harry Truman. And as Truman said, he just told the truth and they thought it was hell. And we\'re the party of a gallant man of spirit—John Fitzgerald Kennedy. And we\'re the party of a great leader of compassion—Lyndon Baines Johnson, and the party of a great man who should have been President, who would have been one of the greatest Presidents in history—Hubert Horatio Hornblower—Humphrey. I have appreciated what this convention has said about Senator Humphrey, a great man who epitomized the spirit of the Democratic Party. And I would like to say that we are also the party of Governor Jerry Brown and Senator Edward Kennedy.\nI\'d like to say a personal word to Senator Kennedy. Ted, you\'re a tough competitor and a superb campaigner, and I can attest to that. Your speech before this convention was a magnificent statement of what the Democratic Party is and what it means to the people of this country and why a Democratic victory is so important this year. I reach out to you tonight, and I reach out to all those who supported you in your valiant and passionate campaign. Ted, your party needs and I need you. And I need your idealism and your dedication working for us. There is no doubt that even greater service lies ahead of you, and we are grateful to you and to have your strong partnership now in a larger cause to which your own life has been dedicated.\nI thank you for your support; we\'ll make great partners this fall in whipping the Republicans. We are Democrats and we\'ve had our differences, but we share a bright vision of America\'s future—a vision of a good life for all our people, a vision of a secure nation, a just society, a peaceful world, a strong America—confident and proud and united. And we have a memory of Franklin Roosevelt, 40 years ago, when he said that there are times in our history when concerns over our personal lives are overshadowed by our concern over \"what will happen to the county we have known.\" This is such a time, and I can tell you that the choice to be made this year can transform our own personal lives and the life of our country as well.\nDuring the last Presidential campaign, I crisscrossed this country and I listened to thousands and thousands of people-housewives and farmers, teachers and small business leaders, workers and students, the elderly and the poor, people of every race and every background and every walk of life. It was a powerful experience—a total immersion in the human reality of America.\nAnd I have now had another kind of total immersion—being President of the United States of America. Let me talk for a moment about what that job is like and what I\'ve learned from it.\nI\'ve learned that only the most complex and difficult task comes before me in the Oval Office. No easy answers are found there, because no easy questions come there.\nI\'ve learned that for a President, experience is the best guide to the right decisions. I\'m wiser tonight than I was 4 years ago.\nAnd I have learned that the Presidency is a place of compassion. My own heart is burdened for the troubled Americans. The poor and the jobless and the afflicted-they\'ve become part of me. My thoughts and my prayers for our hostages in Iran are as though they were my own sons and daughters.\nThe life of every human being on Earth can depend on the experience and judgment and vigilance of the person in the Oval Office. The President\'s power for building and his power for destruction are awesome. And the power\'s greatest exactly where the stakes are highest—in matters of war and peace.\nAnd I\'ve learned something else, something that I have come to see with extraordinary clarity: Above all, I must look ahead, because the President of the United States is the steward of the Nation\'s destiny. He must protect our children and the children they will have and the children of generations to follow. He must speak and act for them. That is his burden and his glory.\nAnd that is why a President cannot yield to the shortsighted demands, no matter how rich or powerful the special interests might be that make those demands. And that\'s why the President cannot bend to the passions of the moment, however popular they might be. That\'s why the President must sometimes ask for sacrifice when his listeners would rather hear the promise of comfort.\nThe President is a servant of today, but his true constituency is the future. That\'s why the election of 1980 is so important.\nSome have said it makes no difference who wins this election. They are wrong. This election is a stark choice between two men, two parties, two sharply different pictures of what America is and what the world is, but it\'s more than that—it\'s a choice between two futures.\nThe year 2000 is just less than 20 years away, just four Presidential elections after this one. Children born this year will come of age in the 21st century. The time to shape the world of the year 2000 is now. The decisions of the next few years will set our course, perhaps an irreversible course, and the most important of all choices will be made by the American people at the polls less than 3 months from tonight.\nThe choice could not be more clear nor the consequences more crucial. In one of the futures we can choose, the future that you and I have been building together, I see security and justice and peace.\nI see a future of economic security-security that will come from tapping our own great resources of oil and gas, coal and sunlight, and from building the tools and technology and factories for a revitalized economy based on jobs and stable prices for everyone.\nI see a future of justice—the justice of good jobs, decent health care, quality education, a full opportunity for all people regardless of color or language or religion; the simple human justice of equal rights for all men and for all women, guaranteed equal rights at last under the Constitution of the United States of America.\nAnd I see a future of peace—a peace born of wisdom and based on a fairness toward all countries of the world, a peace guaranteed both by American military strength and by American moral strength as well.\nThat is the future I want for all people, a future of confidence and hope and a good life. It\'s the future America must choose, and with your help and with your commitment, it is the future America will choose.\nBut there is another possible future. In that other future I see despair—despair of millions who would struggle for equal opportunity and a better life and struggle alone. And I see surrender—the surrender of our energy future to the merchants of oil, the surrender of our economic future to a bizarre program of massive tax cuts for the rich, service cuts for the poor, and massive inflation for everyone. And I see risk—the risk of international confrontation, the risk of an uncontrollable, unaffordable, and unwinnable nuclear arms race.\nNo one, Democrat or Republican either, consciously seeks such a future, and I do not claim that my opponent does. But I do question the disturbing commitments and policies already made by him and by those with him who have now captured control of the Republican Party. The consequences of those commitments and policies would drive us down the wrong road. It\'s up to all of us to make sure America rejects this alarming and even perilous destiny.\nThe only way to build a better future is to start with the realities of the present. But while we Democrats grapple with the real challenges of a real world, others talk about a world of tinsel and make-believe.\nLet\'s look for a moment at their make-believe world.\nIn their fantasy America, inner-city people and farm workers and laborers do not exist. Women, like children, are to be seen but not heard. The problems of working women are simply ignored. The elderly do not need Medicare. The young do not need more help in getting a better education. Workers do not require the guarantee of a healthy and a safe place to work. In their fantasy world, all the complex global changes of the world since World War II have never happened. In their fantasy America, all problems have simple solutions—simple and wrong.\nIt\'s a make-believe world, a world of good guys and bad guys, where some politicians shoot first and ask questions later. No hard choices, no sacrifice, no tough decisions—it sounds too good to be true, and it is.\nThe path of fantasy leads to irresponsibility. The path of reality leads to hope and peace. The two paths could not be more different, nor could the futures to which they lead. Let\'s take a hard look at the consequences of our choice.\nYou and I have been working toward a more secure future by rebuilding our military strength—steadily, carefully, and responsibly. The Republicans talk about military strength, but they were in office for 8 out of the last 11 years, and in the face of a growing Soviet threat they steadily cut real defense spending by more than a third.\nWe\'ve reversed the Republican decline in defense. Every year since I\'ve been President we\'ve had real increases in our commitment to a stronger Nation, increases which are prudent and rational. There is no doubt that the United States of America can meet a threat from the Soviet Union. Our modernized strategic forces, a revitalized NATO, the Trident submarine, the Cruise missile, the Rapid Deployment Force—all these guarantee that we will never be second to any nation. Deeds, not words; fact, not fiction. We must and we will continue to build our own defenses. We must and we will continue to seek balanced reductions in nuclear arms.\nThe new leaders of the Republican Party, in order to close the gap between their rhetoric and their record, have now promised to launch an all-out nuclear arms race. This would negate any further effort to negotiate a strategic arms limitation agreement. There can be no winners in such an arms race, and all the people of the Earth can be the losers.\nThe Republican nominee advocates abandoning arms control policies which have been important and supported by every Democratic President since Harry, Truman, and also by every Republican President since Dwight D. Eisenhower. This radical and irresponsible course would threaten our security and could put the whole world in peril. You and I must never let this come to pass.\nIt\'s simple to call for a new arms race, but when armed aggression threatens world peace, tough-sounding talk like that is not enough. A President must act responsibly.\nWhen Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan, we moved quickly to take action. I suspended some grain sales to the Soviet Union; I called for draft registration; and I joined wholeheartedly with the Congress and with the U.S. Olympic Committee and led more than 60 other nations in boycotting the big propaganda show in Russia—the Moscow Olympics.\nThe Republican leader opposed two of these forceful but peaceful actions, and he waffled on the third. But when we asked him what he would do about aggression in Southwest Asia, he suggested blockading Cuba. [Laughter] Even his running mate wouldn\'t go along with that. He doesn\'t seem to know what to do with the Russians. He\'s not sure if he wants to feed them or play with them or fight with them.\nAs I look back at my first term, I\'m grateful that we\'ve had a country for the full 4 years of peace. And that\'s what we\'re going to have for the next 4 years-peace.\nIt\'s only common sense that if America is to stay secure and at peace, we must encourage others to be peaceful as well.\nAs you know, we\'ve helped in Zimbabwe-Rhodesia where we\'ve stood firm for racial justice and democracy. And we have also helped in the Middle East.\nSome have criticized the Camp David accords and they\'ve criticized some delays in the implementation of the Middle East peace treaty. Well, before I became President there was no Camp David accords and there was no Middle East peace treaty. Before Camp David, Israel and Egypt were poised across barbed wire, confronting each other with guns and tanks and planes. But afterward, they talked face-to-face with each other across a peace table, and they also communicated through their own Ambassadors in Cairo and Tel Aviv.\nNow that\'s the kind of future we\'re offering—of peace to the Middle East if the Democrats are reelected in the fall.\nI am very proud that nearly half the aid that our country has ever given to Israel in the 32 years of her existence has come during my administration. Unlike our Republican predecessors, we have never stopped nor slowed that aid to Israel. And as long as I am President, we will never do so. Our commitment is clear: security and peace for Israel; peace for all the peoples of the Middle East.\nBut if the world is to have a future of freedom as well as peace, America must continue to defend human rights.\nNow listen to this: The new Republican leaders oppose our human rights policy. They want to scrap it. They seem to think it\'s naive for America to stand up for freedom and democracy. Just what do they think we should stand up for?\nAsk the former political prisoners who now live in freedom if we should abandon our stand on human rights. Ask the dissidents in the Soviet Union about our commitment to human rights. Ask the Hungarian Americans, ask the Polish Americans, listen to Pope John Paul II. Ask those who are suffering for the sake of justice and liberty around the world. Ask the millions who\'ve fled tyranny if America should stop speaking out for human principles. Ask the American people. I tell you that as long as I am President, we will hold high the banner of human rights, and you can depend on it.\nHere at home the choice between the two futures is equally important.\nIn the long run, nothing is more crucial to the future of America than energy; nothing was so disastrously neglected in the past. Long after the 1973 Arab oil embargo, the Republicans in the White House had still done nothing to meet the threat to the national security of our Nation. Then, as now, their policy was dictated by the big oil companies.\nWe Democrats fought hard to rally our Nation behind a comprehensive energy policy and a good program, a new foundation for challenging and exciting progress. Now, after 3 years of struggle, we have that program. The battle to secure America\'s energy future has been fully and finally joined. Americans \'have cooperated with dramatic results. We\'ve reversed decades of dangerous and growing dependence on foreign oil. We are now importing 20 percent less oil—that is 1 1\/2 million barrels of oil every day less than the day I took office.\nAnd with our new energy policy now in place, we can discover more, produce more, create more, and conserve more energy, and we will use American resources, American technology, and millions of American workers to do it with.\nNow, what do the Republicans propose? Basically, their energy program has two parts. The first part is to get rid of almost everything that we\'ve done for the American public in the last 3 years. They want to reduce or abolish the synthetic fuels program. They want to slash the solar energy incentives, the conservation programs, aid to mass transit, aid to elderly Americans to help pay their fuel bills. They want to eliminate the 55-mile speed limit. And while they are at it, the Republicans would like to gut the Clean Air Act. They never liked it to begin with.\nTHE PRESIDENT. No! We Democrats will fight it every step of the way, and we\'ll begin tomorrow morning with a campaign for reelection in November.\nWhen I took office, I inherited a heavy load of serious economic problems besides energy, and we\'ve met them all head-on. We\'ve slashed Government regulations and put free enterprise back into the airlines, the trucking and the financial systems of our country, and we\'re now doing the same thing for the railroads. This is the greatest change in the relationship between Government and business since the New Deal. We\'ve increased our exports dramatically. We\'ve reversed the decline in the basic research and development, and we have created more than 8 million new jobs—the biggest increase in the history of our country.\nBut the road is bumpy, and last year\'s skyrocketing OPEC price increases have helped to trigger a worldwide inflation crisis. We took forceful action, and interest rates have now fallen, the dollar is stable and, although we still have a battle on our hands, we\'re struggling to bring inflation under control.\nWe are now at the critical point, a turning point in our economic history of our country. But because we made the hard decisions, because we have guided our Nation and its economy through a rough but essential period of transition, we\'ve laid the groundwork for a new economic age.\nOur economic renewal program for the 1980\'s will meet our immediate need for jobs and attack the very same, long-range problem that caused unemployment and inflation in the first place. It\'ll move America simultaneously towards our five great economic goals—lower inflation, better productivity, revitalization of American industry, energy security, and jobs.\nThis is important, too: I have no doubt that the ingenuity, and dedication of the American people can make every single one of these things happen. We are talking about the United States of America, and those who count this country out as an economic superpower are going to find out just how wrong they are. We\'re going to share in the exciting enterprise of making the 1980\'s a time of growth for America.\nThe Republican alternative is the biggest tax giveaway in history. They call it Reagan-Kemp-Roth; I call it a free lunch that Americans cannot afford. The Republican tax program offers rebates to the rich, deprivation for the poor, and fierce inflation for all of us. Their party\'s own Vice Presidential nominee said that Reagan-Kemp-Roth would result in an inflation rate of more than 30 percent. He called it \"voodoo economics\". He suddenly changed his mind toward the end of the Republican Convention, but he was right the first time.\nAlong with this gigantic tax cut, the new Republican leaders promise to protect retirement and health programs and to have massive increases in defense spending-and they claim they can balance the budget. If they are serious about these promises, and they say they are, then a close analysis shows that the entire rest of the Government would have to be abolished, everything from education to farm programs, from the G.I. bill to the night watchman at the Lincoln Memorial—and their budget would still be in the red. The only alternative would be to build more printing presses to print cheap money. Either way, the American people lose. But the American people will not stand for it.\nThe Democratic Party has always embodied the hope of our people for justice, opportunity, and a better life, and we\'ve worked in every way possible to strengthen the American family, to encourage self-reliance, and to follow the Old Testament admonition: \"Defend the poor and the fatherless; give justice to the afflicted and needy.\" We\'ve struggled to assure that no child in America ever goes to bed hungry, that no elderly couple in America has to live in a substandard home, and that no young person in America is excluded from college because the family is poor.\nBut what have the Republicans proposed?—just an attack on everything that we\'ve done in the achievement of social justice and decency that we\'ve won in the last 50 years, ever since Franklin Delano Roosevelt\'s first term. They would make social security voluntary. They would reverse our progress on the minimum wage, full employment laws, safety in the work place, and a healthy environment.\nLately, as you know, the Republicans have been quoting Democratic Presidents. But who can blame them? Would you rather quote Herbert Hoover or Franklin Delano Roosevelt? Would you rather quote Richard Nixon or John Fitzgerald Kennedy?\nThe Republicans have always been the party of privilege, but this year their leaders have gone even further. In their platform, they have repudiated the best traditions of their own party. Where is the conscience of Lincoln in the party of Lincoln? What\'s become of their traditional Republican commitment to fiscal responsibility? What\'s happened to their commitment to a safe and sane arms control?\nNow, I don\'t claim perfection for the Democratic Party. I don\'t claim that every decision that we have made has been right or popular; certainly, they\'ve not all been easy. But I will say this: We\'ve been tested under fire. We\'ve neither ducked nor hidden, and we\'ve tackled the great central issues of our time, the historic challenges of peace and energy, which have been ignored for years. We\'ve made tough decisions, and we\'ve taken the heat for them. We\'ve made mistakes, and we\'ve learned from them. But we have built the foundation now for a better future.\nWe\'ve done something else, perhaps even more important. In good times and bad, in the valleys and on the peaks, we\'ve told people the truth, the hard truth, the truth that sometimes hurts.\nOne truth that we Americans have learned is that our dream has been earned for progress and for peace. Look what our land has been through within our own memory—a great depression, a world war, a technological explosion, the civil rights revolution, the bitterness of Vietnam, the shame of Watergate, the twilight peace of nuclear terror.\nThrough each of these momentous experiences we\'ve learned the hard way about the world and about ourselves. But we\'ve matured and we\'ve grown as a nation and we\'ve grown stronger.\nWe\'ve learned the uses and the limitations of power. We\'ve learned the beauty and responsibility of freedom. We\'ve learned the value and the obligation of justice. And we have learned the necessity of peace.\nSome would argue that to master these lessons is somehow to limit our potential. That is not so. A nation which knows its true strengths, which sees its true challenges, which understands legitimate constraints, that nation—our nation—is far stronger than one which takes refuge in wishful thinking or nostalgia. The Democratic Party—the American people-have understood these fundamental truths.\nAll of us can sympathize with the desire for easy answers. There\'s often the temptation to substitute idle dreams for hard reality. The new Republican leaders are hoping that our Nation will succumb to that temptation this year, but they profoundly misunderstand and underestimate the character of the American people.\nThree weeks after Pearl Harbor, Winston Churchill came to North America and he said, \"We have not journeyed all this way across the centuries, across the oceans, across the mountains, across the prairies, because we are made of sugar candy.\" We Americans have courage. Americans have always been on the cutting edge of change. We\'ve always looked forward with anticipation and confidence.\nI still want the same thing that all of you want—a self-reliant neighborhood, strong families, work for the able-bodied and good medical care for the sick, opportunity for our youth and dignity for our old, equal rights and justice for all people.\nI want teachers eager to explain what a civilization really is, and I want students to understand their own needs and their own aims, but also the needs and yearnings of their neighbors.\nI want women free to pursue without limit the full life of what they want for themselves.\nI want our farmers growing crops to feed our Nation and the world, secure in the knowledge that the family farm will thrive and with a fair return on the good work they do for all of us.\nI want workers to see meaning in the labor they perform and work enough to guarantee a job for every worker in this country.\nAnd I want the people in business free to pursue with boldness and freedom new ideas.\nAnd I want minority citizens fully to join the mainstream of American life. And I want from the bottom of my heart to remove the blight of racial and other discrimination from the face of our Nation, and I\'m determined to do it.\nI need for all of you to join me in fulfilling that vision. The choice, the choice between the two futures, could not be more clear. If we succumb to a dream world then we\'ll wake up to a nightmare. But if we start with reality and fight to make our dreams a reality, then Americans will have a good life, a life of meaning and purpose in a nation that\'s strong and secure.\nAbove all, I want us to be what the Founders of our Nation meant us to become—the land of freedom, the land of peace, and the land of hope.\nThank you very 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fellow Democrats, my fellow Americans:\nI accept your nomination. Behind us now is the most wide open race in political history.\nIt was noisy - but our voices were heard. It was long - but our stamina was tested. It was hot - but the heat was passion, and not anger. It was a roller coaster - but it made me a better candidate, and it will make me a stronger president of the United States.\nI do not envy the drowsy harmony of the Republican Party. They squelch debate; we welcome it. They deny differences; we bridge them. The are uniform; we are united. They are a portrait of privilege; we are a mirror of America.\nJust look at us at here tonight: Black and white, Asian and Hispanic, Native and immigrant, young and old, urban and rural, male and female - from yuppie to lunchpail, from sea to shining sea. We\'re all here tonight in this convention speaking for America. And when we in this hall speak for America, it is America speaking.\nWhen we speak of family, the voice is Mario Cuomo\'s.\nWhen we speak of change, the words are Gary Hart\'s.\nWhen we speak of hope, the fire is Jesse Jackson\'s.\nWhen we speak of caring, the spirit is Ted Kennedy\'s.\nWhen we speak of patriotism, the strength is John Glenn\'s.\nWhen we speak of the future, the message is Geraldine Ferraro.\nAnd now we leave San Francisco - together.\nAnd over the next hundred days, in every word we say, and every life we touch, we will be fighting for the future of America.\nJoan and I are parents of three wonderful children who will live much of their lives in the twenty-first century. This election is a referendum on their future - and on ours. So tonight I\'d like to speak to the young people of America - and to their parents and to their grandparents.\nI\'m Walter Mondale. You may have heard of me - but you may not really know me. I grew up in the farm towns of southern Minnesota. My dad was a preacher, and my mom was a music teacher. We never had a dime. But we were rich in the values that were important; and I\'ve carried those values with me ever since.\nThey taught me to work hard; to stand on my own; to play by the rules; to tell the truth; to obey the law; to care for others; to love our country; to cherish our faith.\nMy story isn\'t unique.\nIn the last few weeks, I\'ve deepened my admiration for someone who shares those same values. Her immigrant father loved our country. Her widowed mother sacrificed for her family. And her own career is an American classic: Doing your work. Earning your way. Paying your dues. Rising on merit.\nMy presidency will be about those values. My vice president will be Geraldine Ferraro.\nTonight, we open a new door to the future. Mr. Reagan calls it \"tokenism.\" We call it America.\nEver since I graduated from Elmore High, I\'ve been a Democrat. I was attorney general of my state; then a U.S. senator. Then, an honest, caring man - Jimmy Carter - picked me as his running mate and in 1976 I was elected vice president. And in 1980, Ronald Reagan beat the pants off us.\nSo tonight, I want to say something to those of you across our country who voted for Mr. Reagan - Republicans, Independents, and yes, some Democrats: I heard you. And our party heard you.\nAfter we lost we didn\'t tell the American people that they were wrong. Instead, we began asking you what our mistakes had been. And for four years, I listened to all of the people of our country. I traveled everywhere. It seemed like I had visited every acre of America.\nIt wasn\'t easy. I remember late one night, as I headed from a speech in one city to a hotel a thousand miles away, someone said to me, \"Fritz, I saw you on TV. Are those bags under your eyes natural?\" And I said, \"No, I got them the old-fashioned way. I earned them.\"\nTo the thousands of Americans who welcomed me into your homes and into your businesses, your churches and synagogues: I thank you.\nYou confirmed my belief in our country\'s values. And you helped me learn and grow.\nSo, tonight we come to you with a new realism: Ready for the future, and recapturing the best in our tradition.\nWe know that America must have a strong defense, and a sober view of the Soviets.\nWe know that government must be as well-managed as it is well-meaning.\nWe know that a healthy, growing private economy is the key to the future.\nWe know that Harry Truman spoke the truth when he said: \"A President . . . has to be able to say yes and no, but mostly no.\"\nLook at our platform. There are no defense cuts that weaken our security; no business taxes that weaken our economy; no laundry lists that raid our Treasury.\nWe are wiser, stronger, and focused on the future. If Mr. Reagan wants to re-run the 1980 campaign: Fine. Let them fight over the past. We\'re fighting for the American future - and that\'s why we\'re going to win this campaign.\nOne last word to those who voted for Mr. Reagan.\nI know what you were saying. But I also know what you were not saying.\nYou did not vote for a $200 billion deficit.\nYou did not vote for an arms race.\nYou did not vote to turn the heavens into a battleground.\nYou did not vote to savage Social Security and Medicare.\nYou did not vote to destroy family farming.\nYou did not vote to trash the civil rights laws.\nYou did not vote to poison the environment.\nYou did not vote to assault the poor, the sick, and the disabled.\nAnd you did not vote to pay fifty bucks for a fifty-cent light bulb.\nFour years ago, many of you voted for Mr. Reagan because he promised you\'d be better off. And today, the rich are better off. But working Americans are worse off, and the middle class is standing on a trap door.\nLincoln once said that ours is to be a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. What we have today is a government of the rich, by the rich, and for the rich. And we\'re going to make a change in November. Look at the record.\nFirst, there was Mr. Reagan\'s tax program. What happened was, he gave each of his rich friends enough tax relief to buy a Rolls Royce - and then he asked your family to pay for the hub caps.\nThen they looked the other way at the rip-offs, soaring utility bills, phone bills, medical bills.\nThen they crimped our future. They let us be routed in international competition, and now the help-wanted ads are full of listings for executives, and for dishwashers - but not much in between.\nThen they socked it to workers. They encouraged executives to vote themselves huge bonuses - while using King Kong tactics to make workers take Hong Kong wages.\nMr. Reagan believes that the genius of America is in the boardrooms and exclusive country clubs. I believe that the greatness can be found in the men and women who built our nation; do its work; and defend our freedom.\nIf this administration has a plan for a better future, they\'re keeping it a secret.\nHere is the truth about the future: We are living on borrowed money and borrowed time. These deficits hike interest rates, clobber exports, stunt investment, kill jobs, undermine growth, cheat our kids, and shrink our future.\nWhoever is inaugurated in January, the American people will have to pay Mr. Reagan\'s bills. The budget will be squeezed. Taxes will go up. And anyone who says they won\'t is not telling the truth to the American people.\nI mean business. By the end of my first term, I will reduce the Reagan budget deficit by two-thirds.\nLet\'s tell the truth. It must be done, it must be done. Mr. Reagan will raise taxes, and so will I. He won\'t tell you. I just did.\nThere\'s another difference. When he raises taxes, it won\'t be done fairly. He will sock it to average-income families again, and leave his rich friends alone. And I won\'t stand for it. And neither will you and neither will the American people.\nTo the corporations and freeloaders who play the loopholes or pay no taxes, my message is: Your free ride is over.\nTo the Congress, my message is: We must cut spending and pay as we go. If you don\'t hold the line, I will: That\'s what the veto is for.\nNow that\'s my plan to cut the deficit. Mr. Reagan is keeping his plan secret until after the election. That\'s not leadership; that\'s salesmanship. And I think the American people know the difference.\nI challenge tonight, I challenge Mr. Reagan to put his plan on the table next to mine - and then let\'s debate it on national television before the American people. Americans want the truth about the future - not after the election.\nWhen the American economy leads the world, the jobs are here, the prosperity is here for our children. But that\'s not what\'s happening today. This is the worst trade year in American history. Three million of our best jobs have gone overseas.\nMr. Reagan has done nothing about it. They have no plan to get our competitive edge back. But we do. We will cut the deficits, reduce interest rates, make our exports affordable, and make America number one again in the world economy.\nWe will launch a renaissance in education, in science, and learning. A mind is a terrible thing to waste. And this must be the best-educated, best-trained generation in American history. And I will lead our nation forward to the best system that this nation has ever seen. We must do it, we must do it.\nIt is time for America to have a season of excellence. Parents must turn off that television; students must do their homework; teachers must teach; and America compete. We\'ll be number one if we follow those rules; let\'s get with it in America again.\nTo big companies that send our jobs overseas, my message is: We need those jobs here at home. And our country won\'t help your business - unless your business helps our country.\nTo countries that close their markets to us, my message is: We will not be pushed around any more. We will have a president who stands up for American workers and American businesses and American farmers in international trade.\nWhen I grew up, and people asked us to imagine the future we were full of dreams. But a few months ago, when I visited a grade school class in Texas and asked the children to imagine the future, they talked to me about nuclear war.\nAs we\'ve neared the election, this administration has begun to talk about a safer world. But there\'s a big difference: As president, I will work for peace from my first day in office - and not from my first day campaigning for re-election.\nAs president, I will reassert American values. I\'ll press for human rights in Central America, and for the removal of all foreign forces from the region. And in my first hundred days, I will stop the illegal war in Nicaragua.\nWe know the deep differences with the Soviets. And America condemns their repression of dissidents and Jews; their suppression of Solidarity; their invasion of Afghanistan; their meddling around the world.\nBut the truth is that between us, we have the capacity to destroy the planet. Every president since the bomb went off understood that and talked with the Soviets and negotiated arms control. Why has this administration failed? Why haven\'t they tried? Why can\'t they understand the cry of Americans and human beings for sense and sanity in control of these God awful weapons? Why, why?\nWhy can\'t we meet in summit conferences with the Soviet Union at least once a year? Why can\'t we reach agreements to save this earth? The truth is, we can.\nPresident Kennedy was right when he said: We must never negotiate out of fear. But we must never fear to negotiate. For the sake of civilization we must negotiate a mutual, verifiable nuclear freeze before those weapons destroy us all.\nThe second term of the Mondale-Ferraro Administration will begin in 1989.\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to ask our children their dreams, and hear not one word about nuclear nightmares.\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to walk into any classroom in America and hear some of the brightest students say, \"I want to be a teacher.\"\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to walk into any public health clinic in America and hear the doctor say, \"We haven\'t seen a hungry child this year.\"\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to walk into any store in America and pick up the best product, of the best quality, at the best price; and turn it over; and read, \"Made in the U.S.A.\"\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to meet with the most successful business leaders anywhere in America, and see as many minorities and women in that room as I see 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Chairman.\nA few months ago when Olympia Dukakis, in front of about a billion and a half television viewers all over the world, raised that Oscar over her head and said, \"O.K., Michael, let\'s go,\" she wasn\'t kidding.\nKitty and I are grateful to her for that wonderful introduction and grateful to all of you for making this possible. This is a wonderful evening for us and we thank you from the bottom of our hearts.\nMy fellow Democrats. My fellow Americans.\nSixteen months ago, when I announced my candidacy for the Presidency of the United States, I said this campaign would be a marathon. Tonight, with the wind at our backs; with friends by our side; with courage in our hearts; the race to the finish line begins.\nAnd we\'re going to win this race.\nWe\'re going to win because we are the party that believes in the American dream.\nA dream so powerful that no distance of ground, no expanse of ocean, no barrier of language, no distinction of race or creed or color can weaken its hold on the human heart.\nAnd I know, because my friends, I\'m a product of that dream and I\'m proud of it\"\nA dream that brought my father to this country 76 years ago; that brought my mother and her family here one year later--poor, unable to speak English; but with a burning desire to succeed in their new land of opportunity.\nAnd tonight, in the presence of that marvelous woman who is my mother and who, came here 75 years ago; with the memory in my heart of the young man, who arrived at Ellis Island with only $25 in his pocket, but with a deep and abiding faith in the promise of America--and how I wish he was here tonight; he\'d be very proud of his son, and he\'d be very proud of his adopted country, I can assure you--tonight, as a son of immigrants with a wonderful wife and now with Lisa our lovely daughter-in-law, four terrific children; and as a proud public servant who has cherished every minute of the last sixteen months on the campaign trail, I accept your nomination for the Presidency of the United States.\nThe dream that carried me to this platform is alive tonight in every part of this country--and it\'s what the Democratic party is all about.\nHenry Cisneros of Texas; Bob Matsui of California; Barbara Mikulski of Maryland; Mario Cuomo of New York; Claude Pepper of Florida.\nAnd Jesse Louis Jackson.\nA man who has lifted so many hearts with the dignity and the hope of his message throughout this campaign; a man whose very candidacy has said to every child--aim high; to every citizen--you count; to every voter--you can make a difference; to every American--you are a full shareholder in our dream.\nAnd my friends, if anyone tells you that the American dream belongs to the privileged few and not to all of us; you tell them that the Reagan era is over and a new era is about to begin.\nBecause it\'s time to raise our sights--to look beyond the cramped ideals and limited ambitions of the past eight years--to recapture the spirit of energy and of confidence and of idealism that John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson inspired a generation ago.\nIt\'s time to meet the challenge of the next American frontier--the challenge of building an economic future for our country that will create good jobs at good wages for every citizen in this land, no matter who they are or where they came from or what the color of their skin.\nIt\'s time to rekindle the American spirit of invention and daring; to exchange voodoo economics for can-do economics; to build the best America by bringing out the best in every American.\nIt\'s time to wake up to the new challenges that face the American family. Time to see that young families in this country are never again forced to choose between the jobs they need and the children they love; time to be sure that parents are never again told that no matter how long they work or how hard their child tries, a college education is a right they can\'t afford.\nIt\'s time to ask why it is that we have run up more debt in this country in the last eight years than we did in the previous 200; and to make sure it never happens again.\nIt\'s time to understand that the greatest threat to our national security in this hemisphere is not the Sandinistas--it\'s the avalanche of drugs that is pouring into this country and poisoning our kids.\nI don\'t think I have to tell any of you how much we Americans expect of ourselves.\nOr how much we have a right to expect from those we elect to public office.\nBecause this election isn\'t about ideology. It\'s about competence.\nIt\'s not about overthrowing governments in Central America; it\'s about creating good jobs in middle America. That\'s what this election is all about.\nIt\'s not about insider trading on Wall Street; it\'s about creating opportunity on Main Street.\nAnd it\'s not about meaningless labels. It\'s about American values. Old-fashioned values like accountability and responsibility and respect for the truth.\nAnd just as we Democrats believe that there are no limits to what each citizen can do; so we believe there are no limits to what America can do.\nAnd yes, I know, this fall, we\'re going to be hearing a lot of Republican talk about how well some neighborhoods and some regions of this country are doing; about how easy it is for some families to buy a home or to find childcare or to pay their doctor\'s bills or to send their children to college.\nBut maintaining the status quo--running in place--standing still--isn\'t good enough for America. Opportunity for some isn\'t good enough for America.\nBecause working together, we\'re going to forge greatness for America.\nWe\'re going to take America\'s genius out of cold storage and challenge our youngsters; we\'re going to make our schools and universities and laboratories the finest in the world; and we\'re going to make teaching a valued and honored profession once again in this country.\nWe\'re going to light fires of innovation and enterprise from coast to coast and we\'re going to give those on welfare the chance to lift themselves out of poverty; to get the child care and the training they need; the chance to step out into the bright sunshine of opportunity and of hope and of dignity.\nWe\'re going to invest in our urban neighborhoods; and we\'re going to work to revitalize small town and rural America. We\'re going to give our farm families a price they can live on, and farm communities a future they can count on.\nAnd we\'re going to build the kind of America that Lloyd Bentsen has been fighting for 40 years; the kind of America where hard work is rewarded; where American goods and American workmanship are the best in the world, the kind of America that provides American workers and their families with at least 60 days\' notice when a factory or a plant shuts down.\nNow, I know I have a reputation for being a somewhat frugal man. And let me state for the record that that snowblower is still in good working order, even it sits in our garage. In nine years, I\'ve balanced nine more budgets than this administration has and I\'ve just balanced a tenth. And I\'ve worked with the citizens of my state--worked hard to create hundreds of thousands of new jobs--and I mean good jobs, jobs you can raise a family on, jobs you can build a future on, jobs you can count on.\nAnd I\'m very proud oft our progress, but I\'m even prouder of the way we\'ve made that progress--by working together; by excluding no one and including everyone; business and labor; educators and community leaders and just plain citizens--sharing responsibility; exchanging ideas; building confidence about the future.\nWhat we have done reflects a simple but very profound idea--an idea as powerful as any in human history.\nIt is the idea of community. The kind of community that binds us here tonight.\nIt is the idea that we are in this together; that regardless of who we are or where we come from or how much money we have--each of us counts. And that by working together to create opportunity and a good life for all--all of us are enriched--not just in econom1c terms, but as citizens and as human beings.\nThe idea of community. An idea that was planted in the New World by the first Governor of Massachusetts.\n\"We must, \" said John Winthrop, \"love one another with a pure heart fervently. We must delight in each other,\" make each other\'s condition our own, rejoice together, mourn together, and suffer together...We must\" he said \"be knit together as one.\"\nJohn Winthrop wasn\'t talking about material success. He was talking about a country where each of us asks not only what\'s in it for some of us, but what\'s good and what\'s right for all of us.\nWhen a young mother named Dawn Lawson leaves 7 years of welfare to become a personnel specialist in a Fortune 500 company in Worcester, Massachusetts--we are all enriched and ennobled.\nWhen a Catholic priest named Bill Kraus helps homeless families in Denver not just by giving them shelter, but by helping them to find the jobs they need to get back on their feet, we are all enriched and ennobled.\nWhen a high school principal named George McKenna and his dedicated staff of teachers and counselors create an environment for learning at the George Washington Preparatory High School in Los Angeles; a high school in Los Angeles that is ninety percent black and ten percent Hispanic and has 80 percent of its graduates accepted to college; we are all enriched and ennobled.\nWhen a dedicated new management team and a fine union in Milwaukee work together to turn Harley-Davidson around and help it come back to life, and save 1,200 good jobs, we are all enriched and ennobled.\nAnd when a man named Willie Velasquez; y cuando un Willie Velasquez; can register tens of thousands of his fellow citizens as voters; puede inscribir decena de miles de sus conciudadanos para votar; and Willie Velasquez can bring new energy and new ideas and new people; brindando asi nuevas energias, nuevas ideas, nuevas personas; into court houses and city halls and state capitals of the Southwest; a los gobiernos municipales y estatales del suroeste -- my friends, we are all enriched and ennobled; todos nos enriquecemos y enoblecemos.\nMy friends, as President, I\'m going to be setting goals for our country; not goals for our government working alone; I mean goals for our people working together.\nI want businesses in this country to be wise enough and innovative enough to re-train their workers, to re-tool their factories, and to help rebuild their communities.\nI want students and office workers and retired teachers to share with a neighbor the precious gift of literacy.\nI want those of you who are bricklayers and carpenters and developers and housing advocates to work with us to help create decent and affordable housing for every family in America, so that we can once and for all end the shame of homelessness in the United States of America.\nI want our young scientists to dedicate their great gifts not to the destruction of life, but to its preservation; I want them to wage war on hunger and pollution and infant mortality; and I want them to work with us to win the war against AIDS, the greatest public health emergency of our lifetimes, and a disease that must be conquered.\nI want a new Attorney General to work with me and with law enforcement officials allover America to re-claim our streets and neighborhoods from those who commit violent crime.\nAnd I want the members of congress to work with me and I\'m going to work with them so that, at long last, we can make good on Harry Truman\'s commitment to basic health insurance for every family in America.\nMy friends, the dream that began in Philadelphia 200 years ago; the spirit that survived that terrible winter at Valley Forge and triumphed on the beach at Normandy; the courage that looked Khrushchev in the eye during the Cuban Missile crisis--is as strong and as vibrant today as it has ever been.\nWe must be--we are--and we will be--militarily strong.\nBut we must back that military strength with economic strength; we must give the men and women of our armed forces weapons that work; we must have a Secretary of Defense who will manage--and not be managed by--the Pentagon; and we must have a foreign policy that reflects the decency and the principles and the values of the American people.\nPresident Reagan has set the stage for deep cuts in nuclear arms--and I salute him for that.\nHe has said that we should judge the Soviet Union not by what it says, but by what it does--and I agree with that.\nBut we can do a lot more to stop the spread of nuclear and chemical arms; we can do a lot more to bring peace to Central America and to the Middle East; and we can and we will do a lot more to end apartheid in South Africa.\nJohn Kennedy once said that America \"leads the world, not just because we are the richest or the strongest or the most powerful, but because we exert that leadership for the cause of freedom around the globe...and...because\" in his words, \"we are moving on the road to peace.\"\nYes, we must always be prepared to defend our freedom.\nBut we must always remember that our greatest strength comes not from what we possess, but from what we believe; not from what we have, but from who we are.\nYou know I\'ve been asked many times over the past sixteen months if I have one very special goal for these next four years--something that reflects everything I stand for and believe in as an American.\nAnd the answer to that question is yes, I do.\nFour years from now, when our citizens walk along Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington D.C., or when they see a picture of the White House on television, I want them to be proud of their government; I want them to be proud of a government that sets high standards not just for the American people, but high standards for itself.\nWe\'re going to have a Justice Department that isn\'t the laughing stock of the nation--we\'re going to have a Justice Department that understands what the word \"justice\" means.\nWe\'re going to have nominees to the federal bench who are men and women of integrity and intelligence and who understand the Constitution of the United States.\nWe\'re going to have an Environmental Protection Agency that is more interested in stopping pollution than in protecting the polluters.\nWe\'re going to have a real war and not a phony war against drugs; and, my friends, we won\'t be doing business with drug-running Panamanian dictators anymore.\nWe\'re going to have a Vice-President who won\'t sit silently by when somebody at the National Security Council comes up with the cockamamie idea that we should trade arms to the Ayatollah for hostages; we\'re going to have a Vice-President named Lloyd Bentsen who will walk into the Oval Office and say, \"Mister President, this is outrageous and it\'s got to stop.\" That\'s the kind of Vice-President we\'re going to have.\nIn the Dukakis White House, as in the Dukakis State House; it you accept the privilege of public service, you had better understand the responsibilities of public service. If you violate that trust, you\'ll be fired; if you violate the law, you\'ll be prosecuted; and if you sell arms to the Ayatollah, don\'t expect a pardon from the President of the United States.\nMonday night, like millions of Americans, I laughed and was moved by the wit and wisdom of Ann Richards.\nAnd Tuesday night, along with millions of other Americans, I was inspired, as you were, by the powerful words of Jesse Jackson.\nBut what stirred me most on Monday was a grandmother talking about her \"nearly perfect\" granddaughter; and what stirred me most on Tuesday were those handsome and proud and articulate Jackson children talking about their hopes for the future of this country.\nYou know, young Jacqueline Jackson goes to school in my state. And last month, she visited with me in the State House in Boston. She\'s a remarkable young woman, and I know her parents are very, very proud of her.\nAnd my thoughts tonight--and my dreams for America--are about Ann Richards\' granddaughter Lily; about young Jackie Jackson; and about the baby that\'s going to be born to our son John and his wife Lisa in January. As a matter of fact, the baby is due on or about January 20.\nGod willing, our first grandchild will reach the age that Jackie Jackson is now at the beginning of a new century. And we pray that he or she will reach that age with eyes as filled with the sparkle of life and of pride and of optimism as that young woman we watched together two nights ago.\nYes, my friends, it\'s a time for wonderful new beginnings.\nA little baby.\nA new Administration.\nA new era of greatness for America.\nAnd when we leave here tonight, we will leave to build that future together.\nTo build the future so that when our children and grandchildren look back in their time on what we did in our time; they will say that we had the wisdom to carry on the dreams of those who came before us; the courage to make our own dreams come true; the foresight to blaze a trail for generations yet to come.\nAnd as I accept your nomination tonight, I can\'t help recalling that the first marathon was run in ancient Greece, and that on important occasions like this one, the people of Athens would complete their ceremonies by taking a pledge.\nThat pledge--that covenant--is as eloquent and timely today as it was 2000 years ago.\n\"We will never bring disgrace to this, our country, by any act of dishonesty or of cowardice. We will fight for the ideals of this, our country. We will revere and obey the law. We will strive to quicken our sense of civic duty. Thus, in all these ways, we will transmit this country greater, stronger, prouder and more beautiful than it was transmitted to us.\"\nThat is my pledge to you, my fellow Democrats.\nAnd that is my pledge to you, my fellow Americans.\nThank you all, very, very 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Richards, Chairman Brown, Mayor Dinkins, our great host, my fellow delegates and my fellow Americans, I am so proud of Al Gore.\nHe said he came here tonight because he always wanted to do the warm-up for Elvis. Well, I ran for President this year for one reason and one reason only: I wanted to come back to this convention and finish that speech I started four years ago.\nLast night Mario Cuomo taught us how a real nominating speech should be given. He also made it clear why we have to steer our ship of state on a new course. Tonight I want to talk with you about my hope for the future, my faith in the American people, and my vision of the kind of country we can build together.\nI salute the good men who were my companions on the campaign trial: Tom Harkin , Bob Kerrey , Doug Wilder , Jerry Brown , and Paul Tsongas .\nOne sentence in the Platform we built says it all. The most important family policy, urban policy, labor policy, minority policy, and foreign policy America can have is an expanding entrepreneurial economy of high-wage, high-skilled jobs.\nAnd so, in the name of all those who do the work and pay the taxes, raise the kids, and play by the rules, in the name of the hardworking Americans who make up our forgotten middle class, I proudly accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nI am a product of that middle class, and when I am President, you will be forgotten no more.\nWe meet at a special moment in history, you and I. The Cold War is over. Soviet communism has collapsed and our values -- freedom, democracy, individual rights, free enterprise- they have triumphed all around the world. And yet, just as we have won the Cold War abroad, we are losing the battles for economic opportunity and social justice here at home.\nNow that we have changed the world, it\'s time to change America.\nI have news for the forces of greed and the defenders of the status quo: Your time has come and gone. Its time for a change in America.\nTonight 10 million of our fellow Americans are out of work, tens of millions more work harder for lower pay. The incumbent President says that unemployment always goes up a little before a recovery begins, but unemployment only has to go up by one more person before a real recovery can begin. And Mr. President, you are that man.\nThis election is about putting power back in your hands and putting government back on your side. It\'s about putting people first.\nYou know, I\'ve said that all across the country, and when I do, someone always comes back to me, as a young man did just this week at a town meeting at the Henry Street Settlement on the Lower East side of Manhattan.\nHe said, \"That sounds good, Bill, but you\'re a politician. Why should I trust you?\"\nTonight, as plainly as I can, I want to tell you who I am, what I believe, and where I want to lead America.\nI never met my father. He was killed in a car wreck on a rainy road three months before I was born, driving from Chicago to Arkansas to see my mother.\nAfter that, my mother had to support us, so we lived with my grandparents while she went back to Louisiana to study nursing. I can still see her clearly tonight through the eyes of a three-year-old, kneeling at the railroad station and weeping as she put me back on the train to Arkansas with my grandmother.\nShe endured that pain because she knew her sacrifice was the only way she could support me and give me a better life. My mother taught me. She taught me about family and hard work and sacrifice. She held steady through tragedy after tragedy, and she held our family - my brother and I - together through tough times.\nAs a child, I watched her go off work each day at a time when it wasn\'t always easy to be a working mother.\nAs an adult, I watched her fight off breast cancer, and again she has taught me a lesson in courage. And always, always, always she taught me to fight.\nThat\'s why I\'ll fight to create high-paying jobs so that parents can afford to raise their children today.\nThat\'s why I\'m so committed to make sure every American gets the health care that saved my mother\'s life and that women\'s health care gets the same attention as men\'s.\nThat\'s why I\'ll fight to make sure women in this country receive respect and dignity, whether they work in the home, out of the home, or both.\nYou want to know where I get my fighting spirit? It all started with my mother. Thank you, Mother. I love you.\nWhen I think about opportunity for all Americans, I think about my grandfather. He ran a country store in our little town of Hope. There was no food stamps back then, so when his customers, whether they were White or Black who worked hard and did the best they could, came in with no money, well, he gave them food anyway. He just made a note of it. So did I.\nBefore I was big enough to see over the counter, I learned from him to look up to people other folks looked down on.\nMy grandfather just had a high school education- a grade school education- but in that country store he taught me more about equality in the eyes of the Lord than all my professors at Georgetown, more about the intrinsic worth of every individual that all the philosophers at Oxford, more about the need for equal justice under the law than all the jurists at Yale Law School.\nIf you want to know where I come by the passionate commitment I have to bringing people together without regard to race, it all started with my grandfather.\nI learned a lot from another person too: a person who for more than 20 years has worked hard to help our children, paying the price of time to make sure our schools don\'t fail them. Someone who traveled our state for a year, studying, learning, listening, going to PTA meetings, school board meetings, town hall meetings, putting together a package of school reforms recognized around the Nation, and doing it all while building a distinguished legal career and being a wonderful, loving mother.\nThat person is my wife.\nHillary taught me. She taught me that all children can learn and that each of us has a duty to help them do it.\nSo if you want to know why I care so much about our children, and our future, it all started with Hillary. I love you.\nFrankly, I am fed up with politicians in Washington lecturing the rest of us about family values. Our families have values. But our government doesn\'t.\nI want an America where family values live in our actions, not just in our speeches. An America that includes every family. Every traditional family and every extended family. Every two parent family. Every single-parent family. And every foster family. Every family.\nI do want to say something to the fathers in this country who have chosen to abandon their children by neglecting their child support: Take responsibility for your children or we will force you to do so. Because governments don\'t raise children; parents do. And you should.\nAnd I want to say something to every child in America tonight who is out there trying to grow up without a father or a mother: I know how you feel. You are special too.\nYou matter to America. And don\'t you ever let anybody tell you can\'t become whatever you want to be. And if other politicians make you feel like you are not part of their family, come on and be part of ours.\nThe thing that makes me angriest about what has gone wrong in the last 12 years is that our government has lost touch with our values, while our politicians continue to shout about them. I\'m tired of it!\nI was raised to believe the American Dream was built on rewarding hard work. But we have seen the folks of Washington turn the American ethic on its head.\nFor too long those who play by the rules and keep the faith have gotten the shaft, and those who cut corners and cut deals have been rewarded.\nPeople are working harder than ever, spending less time with their children, working nights and weekends at their jobs instead of going to PTA and Little League or Scouts. And their incomes are still going down. Their taxes are still going up. And the costs of health care, housing and education are going through the roof.\nMeanwhile, more and more of our best people are falling into poverty even though they work 40 hours a week.\nOur people are pleading for change, but government is in the way. It has been hijacked by privileged private interests. It has forgotten who really pays the bills around here. It has taken more of your money and given you less in return. We have got to go beyond the brain-dead politics in Washington and give our people the kind of government they deserve, a government that works for them.\nA President ought to be a powerful force for progress. But right now I know how President Lincoln felt when General McClellan wouldn\'t attack in the Civil War. He asked him, \"If you\'re not going to use your army, may I borrow it?\"\nAnd so I say: George Bush, if you won\'t use our power to help America, step aside. I will.\nOur country is falling behind. The President is caught in the grip of a failed economic theory. We have gone from first to 13th in the world in wages since Ronald Reagan and Bush have been in office.\nFour years ago, candidate Bush said, \"America is a special place, not just another pleasant country somewhere on the UN Roll Call between Albania and Zimbabwe.\" Now under President Bush, America has an unpleasant economy struck somewhere between Germany and Sri Lanka.\nAnd for most Americans, Mr. President, life\'s a lot less kind and a lot less gentle than it was before your administration took office.\nListen, do it some more.\nOur country has fallen so far so fast that just a few months ago the Japanese prime minister actually said he felt sympathy for the United States. Sympathy. When I am your President , the rest of the world will not look down on us with pity but up to us with respect again.\nWhat is George Bush doing about our economic problems?\nNow, four years ago he promised 15 million new jobs by this time, and he\'s over 14 million short. Al Gore and I can do better.\nHe has raised taxes on the people driving pickup trucks and lowered taxes on the people riding in limousines. We can do better.\nHe promised to balance the budget, but he hasn\'t even tried. In fact, the budgets he has submitted to Congress nearly doubled the debt. Even worse, he wasted billions and reduced our investments in education and jobs. We can do better.\nSo if you are sick and tired of a government that doesn\'t work to create jobs, if you\'re sick and tired of a tax system that\'s stacked against you, if you\'re sick and tired of exploding debt and reduced investments in our future, or if, like the great civil rights pioneer Fannie Lou Hamer, you\'re just plain old sick and tired of being sick and tired , then join us, work with us, win with us, and we can make our country the country it was meant to be.\nNow, George Bush talks a good game, but he has no game plan to rebuild America, from the cities to the suburbs to the countryside, so that we can compete and win again in the global economy. I do.\nHe won\'t take on the big insurance companies and the bureaucracies to control health costs and give us affordable health care for all Americans, but I will.\nHe won\'t even implement the recommendations of his own commission on AIDS, but I will.\nHe won\'t streamline the federal government and change the way it works, cut 100,000 bureaucrats and put 100,000 new police officers on the streets of American cities, but I will.\nHe\'s never balanced a government budget, but I have 11 times.\nHe won\'t break the stranglehold the special interests have on our elections and the lobbyists have on our government, but I will.\nHe won\'t give mothers and fathers the simple chance to take some time off from work when a baby is born or a parent it sick, but I will.\nWe\'re losing our farms at a rapid rate, and he has no commitment to keep family farms in the family, but I do.\nHe\'s talked a lot about drugs, but he hasn\'t helped people on the front line to wage that war on drugs and crime. But I will.\nHe won\'t take the lead in protecting the environment and creating new jobs in environmental technologies for the 21st century, but I will. And you what else? He doesn\'t have Al Gore, and I do.\nJust in case you didn\'t notice, that\'s Gore with an E on the end.\nAnd George Bush- George Bush won\'t guarantee a women\'s right to choose; I will.\nListen. Here me now. I am not pro-abortion; I am pro-choice, strongly. I believe this difficult and painful decision should be left to the women of America.\nI hope the right to privacy can be protected and we will never again have to discuss this issue on political platforms. But I am old enough to remember what it was like before Roe v. Wade, and I do not want to return to the time when we made criminals of women and their doctors.\nJobs, education, health care- these are not just commitments from my lips; they are the work of my life.\nOur priorities must be clear; we will put our people first again. But priorities without a clear plan of action are just empty words. To turn our rhetoric into reality we\'ve got to change the way government does business, fundamentally. Until we do, we\'ll continue to pour billions of dollars down the drain.\nThe Republicans have campaigned against big government for a generation, but have you noticed? They\'ve run this big government for a generation and they haven\'t changed a thing. They don\'t want to fix government; they still want to campaign against it, and that\'s all.\nBut, my fellow Democrats, its time for us to realize we\'ve got some changing to do too. There is not a program in government for every problem, and if we want to use government to help people, we have got to make it work again.\nBecause we are committed in this Convention and in this Platform to making these changes, we are, as Democrats, in the words that Ross Perot himself spoke today, \"a revitalized Democratic Party.\"\nI am well aware that all those millions of people who rallied to Ross Perot\'s cause wanted to be in an army of patriots for change. Tonight I say to them, join us, and together we will revitalize America.\nNow, I don\'t have all the answers, but I do know the old ways don\'t work. Trickledown economics has sure failed. And big bureaucracies, both private and public, they\'ve failed too.\nThat\'s why we need a new approach to government, a government that offers more empowerment and less entitlement. More choices for young people in the schools they attend- in the public schools they attend. And more choices for the elderly and for people with disabilities and the long-term care they receive. A government that is leaner, not meaner; a government that expands opportunity, not bureaucracy; a government that understands that jobs must come from growth in a vibrant and vital system of free enterprise.\nI call this approach the New Covenant, a solemn agreement between the people and their government based not simply on what each of us can take but what all of us must give to our Nation.\nWe offer our people a new choice based on old values. We offer opportunity. We demand responsibility. We will build an American community again. The choice we offer is not conservative or liberal. In many ways, it is not even Republican or Democratic. It is different. It is new. And it will work. It will work because it is rooted in the vision and the values of the American people.\nOf all the things that George Bush has ever said that I disagree with, perhaps the thing that bothers me most is how he derides and degrades the American tradition of seeing and seeking a better future. He mocks it as the \"vision thing.\"\nBut just remember what the Scripture says: \"Where there is no vision, the people perish.\"\nI hope nobody in this great hall tonight, or in our beloved country has to go through tomorrow without a vision. I hope no one ever tries to raise a child without a vision. I hope nobody ever starts a business or plants a crop in the ground without a vision. For where there is no vision, the people perish.\nOne of the reasons we have so many children in so much trouble in so many places in this nation is because they have seen so little opportunity, so little responsibility, so little loving, caring community, that they literally cannot imagine the life we are calling them to lead.\nAnd so I say again: Where there is no vision, America will perish. What is the vision of our New Covenant?\nAn America with millions of new jobs and dozens of new industries, moving confidently toward the 21st century.\nAn America that says to entrepreneurs and businesspeople: We will give you more incentives and more opportunity than ever before to develop the skills of your workers and to create American jobs and American wealth in the new global economy. But you must do your part, you must be responsible. American companies must act like American companies again, exporting products, not jobs.\nThat\'s what this New Covenant is all about.\nAn America in which the doors of colleges are thrown open once again to the sons and daughters of stenographers and steelworkers. We will say: Everybody can borrow money to go to college. But you must do your part. You must pay it back, from your paychecks or, better yet, by going back home and serving your communities.\nJust think of it. Think of it. Millions of energetic young men and women serving their country by policing the streets or teaching the children or caring for the sick. Or working with the elderly and people with disabilities. Or helping young people to stay off drugs and out of gangs, giving us all a sense of new hope and limitless possibilities.\nThat\'s what this New Covenant is all about.\nAn America in which health care is a right, not a privilege , in which we say to all of our people: Your government has the courage finally to take on the health care profiteers and make health care affordable for every family. But you must do your part. Preventive care, prenatal care, childhood immunization- saving lives, saving money, saving families from heartbreak.\nThat\'s what the New Covenant is all about.\nAn America in which middle-class incomes, not middle-class taxes, are going up.\nAn America, yes, in which the wealthiest few, those making over $200,000 a year, are asked to pay their fair share.\nAn America in which the rich are not soaked, but the middle class is not drowned, either.\nResponsibility starts at the top.\nThat\'s what the New Covenant is all about.\nAn America where we end welfare as we know it. We will say to those on welfare: You will have, and you deserve, the opportunity, through training and education, through child care and medical coverage, to liberate yourself. But then, when you can, you must work, because welfare should be a second chance, not a way of life.\nThat\'s what the New Covenant is all about.\nAn America with the world\'s strongest defense, ready and willing to use force when necessary.\nAn America at the forefront of the global effort to preserve and protect our common environment- and promoting global growth.\nAn America that will not coddle tyrants, from Baghdad to Beijing.\nAn America that champions the cause of freedom and democracy from Eastern Europe to Southern Africa- and in our own hemispheres, in Haiti and Cuba.\nThe end of the Cold War permits us to reduce defense spending while still maintaining the strongest defense in the world, but we must plow back every dollar of defense cuts into building American jobs right here at home. I know well that the world needs a strong America, but we have learned that strength begins at home.\nBut the New Covenant is about more than opportunities and responsibilities for you and your families. It\'s also about our common community.\nTonight every one of you knows deep in your heart that we are too divided. It is time to heal America.\nAnd so we must say to every American: Look beyond the stereotypes that blind us. We need each other - all of us - we need each other. We don\'t have a person to waste, and yet for too long politicians have told the most of us that are doing all right that what\'s really wrong with America is the rest of us- them.\nThem, the minorities. Them, the liberals. Them, the poor. Them, the homeless. Them, the people with disabilities. Them, the gays.\nWe\'ve gotten to where we\'ve nearly them\'ed ourselves to death. Them, and them, and them.\nBut this is America. There is no them. There is only us.\nOne nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.\nThat is our Pledge of Allegiance, and that\'s what the New Covenant is all about.\nHow do I know we can come together and make change happen? Because I have seen it in my own state. In Arkansas, we are working together, and we are making progress. No, there\'s no Arkansas Miracle, but there are a lot of miraculous people. And because of them, our schools are better, our wages are higher, our factories are busier, our water is cleaner and our budget is balanced. We\'re moving ahead.\nI wish I could say the same thing about America under the incumbent President. He took the richest country in the world and brought it down.\nWe took on of the poorest states in America and lifted it up.\nAnd so I say to all of those, in this campaign season who would criticize Arkansas, come on down. Especially if you\'re from Washington, come on down.\nSure, you\'ll see us struggling against some of the problems that we haven\'t solved yet, but you\'ll also see a lot of great people doing amazing things, and you might even learn a thing or two.\nIn the end, my fellow Americans, this New Covenant simply asks us all to be Americans again- old-fashioned Americans for a new time. Opportunity, responsibility, community.\nWhen we pull together, America will pull ahead. Throughout the whole history of this country, we have seen, time and time and time again, that when we are united we are unstoppable.\nWe can seize this moment, make it exciting and energizing and heroic to be American again. We can renew our faith in each other and in ourselves. We can restore our sense of unity and community.\nAs the Scripture says, \"our eyes have not yet seen, nor our ears heard, nor minds imagined\" what we can build.\nBut I can\'t do this alone. No President can. We must do it together. It won\'t be easy, and it won\'t be quick. We didn\'t get into this mess overnight, and we won\'t get out of it overnight. But we can do it- with commitment, creativity, diversity and drive.\nWe can do it. We can do it.\nWe can do it. We can do it. We can do it.\nI want every person in this hall and every person in this land to reach out and join us in a great new adventures, to chart a bold new future.\nAs a teenager, I heard John Kennedy\'s summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I head that call clarified by a professor name Carol Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest Nation in history because our people had always believed in two things- that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.\nThat kind of future entered my life the night our daughter, Chelsea, was born. As I stood in the delivery room, I was overcome with the thought that God had given me a blessing my own father never knew- the chance to hold my child in my arms.\nSomewhere at this very moment a child is being born in America. Let it be our cause to give that child a happy home, a healthy family and a hopeful future. Let it be our cause to see that that child has a chance to live to the fullest of her God-given capacities.\nLet it be our cause to see that child grow up strong and secure, braced by her challenges but never struggling alone, with family and friends and a faith that in America, no one is left out; no one is left behind.\nLet it be our cause that when this child is able, she gives something back to her children, her community and her country. Let it be our cause that we give this child a country that is coming together, not coming apart, a country of boundless hopes and endless dreams, a country once again lifts its people and inspires the world. Let that be our cause our commitment and our New Covenant.\nMy fellow Americans, I end tonight where it all began for me- I still believe in a place called Hope. 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many have contributed to the record we have made for the American people, but one above all, my partner, my friend, and the best Vice President in our history, Al Gore.\nTonight I thank the city of Chicago, its great mayor, and its wonderful people for this magnificent convention. I love Chicago for many reasons, for your powerful spirit, your sports teams, your lively politics, but most of all for the love and light of my life, Chicago\'s daughter, Hillary.\nFour years ago, you and I set forth on a journey to bring our vision to our country, to keep the American dream alive for all who were willing to work for it, to make our American community stronger, to keep America the world\'s strongest force for peace and freedom and prosperity.\nFour years ago, with high unemployment, stagnant wages, crime, welfare, and the deficit on the rise, with a host of unmet challenges and a rising tide of cynicism, I told you about a place I was born, and I told you that I still believed in a place called Hope.\nWell, for 4 years now, to realize our vision we have pursued a simple but profound strategy: opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a strong united American community.\nFour days ago, as you were making your way here, I began a train ride to make my way to Chicago through America\'s heartland. I wanted to see the faces, I wanted to hear the voices of the people for whom I have worked and fought these last 4 years. And did I ever see them.\nI met an ingenious business woman who was once on welfare in West Virginia; a brave police officer, shot and paralyzed, now a civic leader in Kentucky; an autoworker in Ohio, once unemployed, now proud to be working in the oldest auto plant in America to help make America number one in auto production again for the first time in 20 years. I met a grandmother fighting for her grandson\'s environment in Michigan. And I stood with two wonderful little children proudly reading from their favorite book, \"The Little Engine That Could.\"\nLook at the facts. Just look at the facts: 4.4 million Americans now living in a home of their own for the first time; hundreds of thousands of women have started their own new businesses; more minorities own businesses than ever before; record numbers of new small businesses and exports.\nLook at what\'s happened. We have the lowest combined rates of unemployment, inflation, and home mortgages in 28 years. Look at what happened: 10 million new jobs, over half of them high-wage jobs; 10 million workers getting the raise they deserve with the minimum wage law; 25 million people now having protection in their health insurance because the Kennedy-Kassebaum bill says you can\'t lose your insurance anymore when you change jobs, even if somebody in your family has been sick; 40 million Americans with more pension security; a tax cut for 15 million of our hardest working, hardest pressed Americans, and all small businesses; 12 million Americans—12 million of them—taking advantage of the family and medical leave law so they can be good parents and good workers. Ten million students have saved money on their college loans. We are making our democracy work.\nWe have increased our investments in research and technology. We have increased investments in breast cancer research dramatically. We are developing a supercomputer—a supercomputer that will do more calculating in a second than a person with a hand-held calculator can do in 30,000 years. More rapid development of drugs to deal with HIV and AIDS and moving them to the market quicker have almost doubled life expectancy in only 4 years. And we are looking at no limit in sight to that. We\'ll keep going until normal life is returned to people who deal with this.\nOur country is still the strongest force for peace and freedom on Earth. On issues that once before tore us apart, we have changed the old politics of Washington. For too long, leaders in Washington asked who\'s to blame. But we asked, what are we going to do?\nOn crime, we\'re putting 100,000 police on the streets. We made \"three strikes and you\'re out\" the law of the land. We stopped 60,000 felons, fugitives, and stalkers from getting handguns under the Brady bill. We banned assault rifles. We supported tougher punishment and prevention programs to keep our children from drugs and gangs and violence. Four years now— for four years now—the crime rate in America has gone down.\nOn welfare, we worked with States to launch a quiet revolution. Today there are 1.8 million fewer people on welfare than there were the day I took the oath of office. We are moving people from welfare to work.\nWe have increased child support collections by 40 percent. The Federal work force is the smallest it has been since John Kennedy. And the deficit has come down for 4 years in a row for the first time since before the Civil War, down 60 percent on the way to zero. We will do it.\nWe are on the right track to the 21st century. We are on the right track, but our work is not finished. What should we do? First, let us consider how to proceed. Again I say, the question is no longer who\'s to blame but what to do.\nNow, here\'s the main idea. I love and revere the rich and proud history of America, and I am determined to take our best traditions into the future. But with all respect, we do not need to build a bridge to the past; we need to build a bridge to the future. And that is what I commit to you to do.\nSo tonight, tonight let us resolve to build that bridge to the 21st century, to meet our challenges and protect our values. Let us build a bridge to help our parents raise their children, to help young people and adults to get the education and training they need, to make our streets safer, to help Americans succeed at home and at work, to break the cycle of poverty and dependence, to protect our environment for generations to come, and to maintain our world leadership for peace and freedom. Let us resolve to build that bridge.\nTonight, my fellow Americans, I ask all of our fellow citizens to join me and to join you in building that bridge to the 21st century. Four years from now, just 4 years from now—think of it—we begin a new century, full of enormous possibilities. We have to give the American people the tools they need to make the most of their God-given potential. We must make the basic bargain of opportunity and responsibility available to all Americans, not just a few. That is the promise of the Democratic Party. That is the promise of America.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century in which we expand opportunity through education, where computers are as much a part of the classroom as blackboards, where highly trained teachers demand peak performance from our students, where every 8-year-old can point to a book and say, \"I can read it myself.\"\nBy the year 2000, the single most critical thing we can do is to give every single American who wants it the chance to go to college. We must make 2 years of college just as universal in 4 years as a high school education is today. And we can do it. We can do it, and we should cut taxes to do it.\nI propose a $1,500-a-year tuition tax credit for Americans, a HOPE scholarship for the first 2 years of college to make the typical community college education available to every American. I believe every working family ought also to be able to deduct up to $10,000 in college tuition costs per year for education after that. I believe the families of this country ought to be able to save money for college in a taxfree IRA, save it year-in and year-out, withdraw it for college education without penalty. We should not tax middle income Americans for the money they spend on college. We\'ll get the money back down the road many times over.\nI want to say here, before I go further, that these tax cuts and every other one I mention tonight are all fully paid for in my balanced budget plan, line by line, dime by dime, and they focus on education.\nNow, one thing so many of our fellow Americans are learning is that education no longer stops on graduation day. I have proposed a new \"GI bill\" for American workers, a $2,600 grant for unemployed and underemployed Americans so that they can get the training and the skills they need to go back to work at better paying jobs, good high-skilled jobs for a good future.\nBut we must demand excellence at every level of education. We must insist that our students learn the old basics we learned and the new basics they have to know for the next century. Tonight let us set a clear national goal: All children should be able to read on their own by the third grade. When 40 percent of our 8year-olds cannot read as well as they should, we have to do something. I want to send 30,000 reading specialists and national service corps members to mobilize a volunteer army of one million reading tutors for third graders all across America. They will teach our young children to read.\nWe must give parents, all parents, the right to choose which public school their children will attend and to let teachers form new charter schools with a charter they can keep only if they do a good job. We must keep our schools open late so that young people have someplace to go and something to say yes to and stay off the street.\nWe must require that our students pass tough tests to keep moving up in school. A diploma has to mean something when they get out. We should reward teachers that are doing a good job, remove those who don\'t measure up, but in every case, never forget that none of us would be here tonight if it weren\'t for our teachers. I know I wouldn\'t. We ought to lift them up, not tear them down.\nWe need schools that will take our children into the next century. We need schools that are rebuilt and modernized with an unprecedented commitment from the National Government to increase school construction and with every single library and classroom in America connected to the information superhighway by the year 2000.\nNow, folks, if we do these things, every 8year-old will be able to read, every 12-yearold will be able to log in on the Internet, every 18-year-old will be able to go to college, and all Americans will have the knowledge they need to cross that bridge to the 21st century.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century in which we create a strong and growing economy to preserve the legacy of opportunity for the next generation, by balancing our budget in a way that protects our values and ensuring that every family will be able to own and protect the value of their most important asset, their home.\nTonight let us proclaim to the American people, we will balance the budget. And let us also proclaim, we will do it in a way that preserves Medicare, Medicaid, education, the environment, the integrity of our pensions, the strength of our people.\nNow, last year when the Republican Congress sent me a budget that violated those values and principles, I vetoed it. And I would do it again tomorrow. I could never allow cuts that devastate education for our children, that pollute our environment, that end the guarantee of health care for those who are served under Medicaid, that end our duty or violate our duty to our parents through Medicare. I just couldn\'t do that. As long as I\'m President, I\'ll never let it happen. And it doesn\'t matter if they try again, as they did before, to use the blackmail threat of a shutdown of the Federal Government to force these things on the American people. We didn\'t let it happen before. We won\'t let it happen again.\nOf course, there is a better answer to this dilemma. We could have the right kind of balanced budget with a new Congress, a Democratic Congress.\nI want to balance the budget with real cuts in Government, in waste. I want a plan that invests in education, as mine does, in technology, and yes, in research, as Christopher Reeve so powerfully reminded us we must do.\nAnd my plan gives Americans tax cuts that will help our economy to grow. I want to expand IRA\'s so that young people can save tax-free to buy a first home. Tonight I propose a new tax cut for homeownership that says to every middle income working family in this country, if you sell your home, you will not have to pay a capital gains tax on it ever, not ever. I want every American to be able to hear those beautiful words, \"Welcome home.\"\nLet me say again, every tax cut I call for tonight is targeted, it\'s responsible, and it is paid for within my balanced budget plan. My tax cuts will not undermine our economy, they will speed economic growth.\nWe should cut taxes for the family sending a child to college, for the worker returning to college, for the family saving to buy a home or for long-term health care, and a $500-perchild credit for middle income families raising their children who need help with child care and what the children will do after school. That is the right way to cut taxes: pro-family, proeducation, pro-economic growth.\nNow, our opponents have put forward a very different plan, a risky $550 billion tax scheme that will force them to ask for even bigger cuts in Medicare, Medicaid, education, and the environment than they passed and I vetoed last year. But even then they will not cover the costs of their scheme, so that even then this plan will explode the deficit, which will increase interest rates by 2 percent, according to their own estimates last year. It will require huge cuts in the very investments we need to grow and to grow together and, at the same time, slow down the economy.\nYou know what higher interest rates mean? To you it means a higher mortgage payment, a higher car payment, a higher credit card payment. To our economy it means business people will not borrow as much money, invest as much money, create as many new jobs, create as much wealth, raise as many wages. Do we really want to make that same mistake all over again?\nOpportunity alone is not enough. I want to build an America in the 21st century in which all Americans take personal responsibility for themselves, their families, their communities, and their country. I want our Nation to take responsibility to make sure that every single child can look out the window in the morning and see a whole community getting up and going to work.\nWe want these young people to know the thrill of the first paycheck, the challenge of starting that first business, the pride in following in a parent\'s footsteps. The welfare reform law I signed last week gives America a chance, but not a guarantee, to have that kind of new beginning, to have a new social bargain with the poor, guaranteeing health care, child care, and nutrition for the children but requiring ablebodied parents to work for the income.\nNow, I say to all of you, whether you supported the law or opposed it, but especially to those who supported it, we have a responsibility, we have a moral obligation to make sure the people who are being required to work have the opportunity to work. We must make sure the jobs are there. There should be one million new jobs for welfare recipients by the year 2000. States under this law can now take the money that was spent on the welfare check and use it to help businesses provide paychecks. I challenge every State to do it soon.\nI propose also to give businesses a tax credit for every person hired off welfare and kept employed. I propose to offer private job placement firms a bonus for every welfare recipient they place in a job who stays in it. And more important, I want to help communities put welfare recipients to work right now, without delay, repairing schools, making their neighborhoods clean and safe, making them shine again. There\'s lots of work to be done out there. Our cities can find ways to put people to work and bring dignity and strength back to these families.\nMy fellow Americans, I have spent an enormous amount of time with our dear friend, the late Ron Brown, and with Secretary Kantor and others, opening markets for America around the world. And I\'m proud of every one we opened. But let us never forget, the greatest untapped market for American enterprise is right here in America, in the inner cities, in the rural areas, who have not felt this recovery. With investment and business and jobs, they can become our partners in the future. And it\'s a great opportunity we ought not to pass up.\nMy fellow Americans, we all owe a great debt to Sarah and Jim Brady, and I\'m glad they took their wrong turn and wound up in Chicago. I was glad to see that. It is to them we owe the good news that 60,000 felons, fugitives, and stalkers couldn\'t get handguns because of the Brady bill. But not a single hunter in Arkansas or New Hampshire or Illinois or anyplace else missed a hunting season.\nBut now I say we should extend the Brady bill, because anyone who has committed an act of domestic violence against a spouse or a child should not buy a gun. And we must ban those cop-killer bullets. They are designed for one reason only, to kill police officers. We asked the police to keep us safe. We owe it to them to help keep them safe while they do their job for us.\nWe should pass a victims\' rights constitutional amendment because victims deserve to be heard; they need to know when an assailant is released. They need to know these things, and the only way to guarantee them is through a constitutional amendment.\nWe have made a great deal of progress. Even the crime rate among young people is finally coming down. So it is very, very painful to me that drug use among young people is up. Drugs nearly killed my brother when he was a young man, and I hate them. He fought back. He\'s here tonight with his wife, his little boy is here, and I\'m really proud of him. But I learned something—I learned something in going through that long nightmare with our family. And I can tell you, something has happened to some of our young people; they simply don\'t think these drugs are dangerous anymore, or they think the risk is acceptable. So beginning with our parents, and without regard to our party, we have to renew our energy to teach this generation of young people the hard, cold truth: Drugs are deadly; drugs are wrong; drugs can cost you your life.\nGeneral Barry McCaffrey, the four-star general who led our fight against drugs in Latin America, now leads our crusade against drugs at home: stopping more drugs at our borders, cracking down on those who sell them, and most important of all, pursuing a national antidrug strategy whose primary aim is to turn our children away from drugs. I call on Congress to give him every cent of funding we have requested for this strategy and to do it now.\nThere is more we will do. We should say to parolees: We will test you for drugs; if you go back on them, we will send you back to jail. We will say to gangs: We will break you with the same antiracketeering law we used to put mob bosses in jail. You\'re not going to kill our kids anymore or turn them into murderers before they\'re teenagers. My fellow Americans, if we\'re going to build that bridge to the 21st century we have to make our children free, free of the vise grip of guns and gangs and drugs, free to build lives of hope.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century with a strong American community, beginning with strong families, an America where all children are cherished and protected from destructive forces, where parents can succeed at home and at work. Everywhere I\'ve gone in America, people come up and talk to me about their struggle with the demands of work and their desire to do a better job with their children. The very first person I ever saw fight that battle was here with me 4 years ago, and tonight I miss her very, very much. My irrepressible, hard-working, always optimistic mother did the best she could for her brother and me, often against very stiff odds. I learned from her just how much love and determination can overcome. But from her and from our life, I also learned that no parent can do it alone. And no parent should have to. She had the kind of help every parent deserves, from our neighbors, our friends, our teachers, our pastors, our doctors, and so many more.\nAs Tipper Gore and Hillary said on Tuesday, we have, all of us in our administration, worked hard to support families in raising their children and succeeding at work. But we must do more. We should extend the family and medical leave law to give parents some time off to take their children to regular doctor\'s appointments or attend those parent-teacher conferences at school. That is a key determination of their success. We should pass a flextime law that allows employees to take their overtime pay in money or in time off, depending on what\'s better for their family.\nThe FDA has adopted new measures to reduce advertising and sales of cigarettes to children. The Vice President spoke so movingly of it last night. But let me remind you, my fellow Americans, that is very much an issue in this election because that battle is far from over and the two candidates have different views. I pledge to America\'s parents that I will see this effort all the way through.\nWorking with the entertainment industry, we\'re giving parents the V-chip. TV shows are being rated for content so parents will be able to make a judgment about whether their small children should see them. And 3 hours of quality children\'s programming every week, on every network, are on the way.\nThe Kennedy-Kassebaum law says every American can keep his or her health insurance if they have to change jobs, even if someone in their family has been sick. That is a very important thing. But tonight we should spell out the next steps. The first thing we ought to do is to extend the benefits of health care to people who are unemployed. I propose in my balanced budget plan, paid for, to help unemployed families keep their health insurance for up to 6 months. A parent may be without a job, but no child should be without a doctor. And let me say again, as the First Lady did on Tuesday, we should protect mothers and newborn babies from being forced out of the hospital in less than 48 hours.\nWe respect the individual conscience of every American on the painful issue of abortion but believe as a matter of law that this decision should be left to a woman, her conscience, her doctor, and her God. But abortion should not only be safe and legal, it should be rare. That\'s why I helped to establish and support a national effort to reduce out-of-wedlock teen pregnancy, and that is why we must promote adoption.\nLast week the minimum wage bill I signed contained a $5,000 credit to families who adopt children, even more if the children have disabilities. It put an end to racial discrimination in the adoption process. It was a good thing for America. My fellow Americans, already there are tens of thousands of children out there who need a good home with loving parents. I hope more of them will find it now.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century with a clean and safe environment. We are making our food safer from pesticides. We\'re protecting our drinking water and our air from poisons. We saved Yellowstone from mining. We established the largest national park south of Alaska in the Mojave Desert in California. We are working to save the precious Florida Everglades. And when the leaders of this Congress invited the polluters into the back room to roll back 25 years of environmental protections that both parties had always supported, I said no.\nBut we must do more. Today, 10 million children live within just 4 miles of a toxic waste dump. We have cleaned up 197 of those dumps in the last 3 years, more than in the previous 12 years combined. In the next 4 years, we propose to clean up 500 more, two-thirds of all that are left and the most dangerous ones. Our children should grow up next to parks, not poison.\nWe should make it a crime even to attempt to pollute. We should freeze the serious polluter\'s property until they clean up the problems they create. We should make it easier for families to find out about toxic chemicals in their neighborhoods so they can do more to protect their own children. These are the things that we must do to build that bridge to the 21st century.\nMy fellow Americans, I want to build a bridge to the 21st century that makes sure we are still the nation with the world\'s strongest defense, that our foreign policy still advances the values of our American community in the community of nations. Our bridge to the future must include bridges to other nations, because we remain the world\'s indispensable nation to advance prosperity, peace, and freedom and to keep our own children safe from the dangers of terror and weapons of mass destruction.\nWe have helped to bring democracy to Haiti and peace to Bosnia. Now the peace signed on the White House lawn between the Israelis and the Palestinians must embrace more of Israel\'s neighbors. The deep desire for peace that Hillary and I felt when we walked the streets of Belfast and Derry must become real for all the people of Northern Ireland. And Cuba must finally join the community of democracies.\nNothing in our lifetime has been more heartening than when people of the former Soviet Union and Central Europe broke the grip of communism. We have aided their progress, and I am proud of it. And I will continue our strong partnership with a democratic Russia. And we will bring some of Central Europe\'s new democracies into NATO so that they will never question their own freedom in the future.\nOur American exports are at record levels. In the next 4 years, we have to break down even more barriers to them, reaching out to Latin America, to Africa, to other countries in Asia, making sure that our workers and our products, the world\'s finest, have the benefit of free and fair trade.\nIn the last 4 years, we have frozen North Korea\'s nuclear weapons program. And I am proud to say that tonight there is not a single Russian nuclear missile pointed at an American child. Now we must enforce and ratify without delay measures that further reduce nuclear arsenals, banish poison gas, and ban nuclear tests once and for all.\nWe have made investments, new investments, in our most important defense asset, our magnificent men and women in uniform. By the year 2000, we also will have increased funding to modernize our weapons systems by 40 percent. These commitments will make sure that our military remains the best trained, best equipped fighting force in the entire world. We are developing a sensible national missile defense, but we must not, not now, not by the year 2000, squander $60 billion on an unproved, ineffective Star Wars program that could be obsolete tomorrow.\nWe are fighting terrorism on all fronts with a three-pronged strategy. First, we are working to rally a world coalition with zero tolerance for terrorism. Just this month, I signed a law imposing harsh sanctions on foreign companies that invest in key sectors of the Iranian and Libyan economies. As long as Iran trains, supports, and protects terrorists, as long as Libya refuses to give up the people who blew up Pan Am 103, they will pay a price from the United States.\nSecond, we must give law enforcement the tools they need to take the fight to terrorists. We need new laws to crack down on money laundering and to prosecute and punish those who commit violent acts against American citizens abroad, to add chemical markers or taggants to gunpowder used in bombs so we can crack the bombmakers, to extend the same power police now have against organized crime to save lives by tapping all the phones that terrorists use. Terrorists are as big a threat to our future, perhaps bigger, than organized crime. Why should we have two different standards for a common threat to the safety of America and our children? We need, in short, the laws that Congress refused to pass. And I ask them again, please, as an American, not a partisan matter, pass these laws now.\nThird, we will improve airport and air travel security. I have asked the Vice President to establish a commission and report back to me on ways to do this. But now we will install the most sophisticated bomb-detection equipment in all our major airports. We will search every airplane flying to or from America from another nation, every flight, every cargo hold, every cabin, every time.\nMy fellow Democrats and my fellow Americans, I know that in most election seasons foreign policy is not a matter of great interest in the debates in the barbershops and the cafes of America, on the plant floors and at the bowling alleys. But there are times, there are times when only America can make the difference between war and peace, between freedom and repression, between life and death. We cannot save all the world\'s children, but we can save many of them. We cannot become the world\'s policeman, but where our values and our interests are at stake and where we can make a difference, we must act and we must lead. That is our job, and we are better, stronger, and safer because we are doing it.\nMy fellow Americans, let me say one last time, we can only build our bridge to the 21st century if we build it together and if we\'re willing to walk arm in arm across that bridge together. I have spent so much of your time that you gave me these last 4 years to be your President worrying about the problems of Bosnia, the Middle East, Northern Ireland, Rwanda, Burundi. What do these places have in common? People are killing each other and butchering children because they are different from one another. They share the same piece of land, but they are different from one another. They hate their race, their tribe, their ethnic group, their religion.\nWe have seen the terrible, terrible price that people pay when they insist on fighting and killing their neighbors over their differences. In our own country, we have seen America pay a terrible price for any form of discrimination. And we have seen us grow stronger as we have steadily let more and more of our hatreds and our fears go, as we have given more and more of our people the chance to live their dreams.\nThat is why the flame of our Statue of Liberty, like the Olympic flame carried all across America by thousands of citizen heroes, will always, always burn brighter than the fires that burn our churches, our synagogues, our mosques—always.\nWe still have too many Americans who give in to their fears of those who are different from them. Not so long ago, swastikas were painted on the doors of some African-American members of our Special Forces at Fort Bragg. Folks, for those of you who don\'t know what they do, the Special Forces are just what the name says: they are special forces. If I walk off this stage tonight and call them on the telephone and tell them to go halfway around the world and risk their lives for you and be there by tomorrow at noon, they will do it. They do not deserve to have swastikas on their doors.\nSo look around here, look around here: Old or young, healthy as a horse or a person with a disability that hasn\'t kept you down, man or woman, Native American, native born, immigrant, straight or gay, whatever, the test ought to be, I believe in the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence; I believe in religious liberty; I believe in freedom of speech; I believe in working hard and playing by the rules; I\'m showing up for work tomorrow; I\'m building that bridge to the 21st century. That ought to be the test.\nMy fellow Americans, 68 nights from tonight the American people will face once again a critical moment of decision. We\'re going to choose the last President of the 20th century and the first President of the 21st century. But the real choice is not that. The real choice is whether we will build a bridge to the future or a bridge to the past, about whether we believe our best days are still out there or our best days are behind us, about whether we want a country of people all working together or one where you\'re on your own.\nLet us commit ourselves this night to rise up and build the bridge we know we ought to build all the way to the 21st century. Let us have faith, American faith that we are not leaving our greatness behind. We\'re going to carry it right on with us into that new century, a century of new challenge and unlimited promise. Let us, in short, do the work that is before us, so that when our time here is over, we will all watch the sun go down, as we all must, and say truly, we have prepared our children for the dawn.\nMy fellow Americans, after these 4 good, hard years, I still believe in a place called Hope, a place called America.\nThank you, God bless you, and good 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speak tonight of gratitude, achievement, and high hopes for our country.\nTonight, I think first of those who helped get me here - starting with the people of Tennessee. Then, those who braved the first snows of Iowa and New Hampshire -- and all of you here, from all over this country, who have come with me into the warm sunlight of this great city.\nWhile I can\'t thank each of you individually in words, I do so in my heart.\nAnd I know you won\'t mind if I single out someone who has just spoken so eloquently, someone I\'ve loved with my whole heart since the night of my high school senior prom -- my wife, Tipper. We\'ve been lucky enough to find each other all over again at each new stage of our lives - and we just celebrated our 30th wedding anniversary.\nI want to acknowledge with great pride our four children: Kristin, Sarah, and Albert;\nOur oldest daughter Karenna and her husband Drew;\nAnd the youngest member of our family, who a little over a year ago was born on the Fourth of July -- our grandson Wyatt.\nI\'m honored tonight by the support of a leader of high ideals and fundamental decency, who will be an important part of our country\'s future -- Senator Bill Bradley.\nThere\'s someone else who will shape that future -- a leader of character and courage. A defender of the environment, and working families --\nThe next Vice President of the United States, Joe Lieberman.\nI picked him for one simple reason: he\'s the best person for the job.\nFor almost eight years now, I\'ve been the partner of a leader who moved us out of the valley of recession and into the longest period of prosperity in American history. I say to you tonight: millions of Americans will live better lives for a long time to come because of the job that\'s been done by President Bill Clinton.\nInstead of the biggest deficits in history, we now have the biggest surpluses. The highest home ownership ever. The lowest inflation in a generation.\nInstead of losing jobs, we have 22 million new jobs.\nAbove all, our success comes from you, the people who have worked hard for your families.\nLet\'s not forget that a few years ago, you were also working hard. But your hard work was undone by a government that didn\'t work, didn\'t put people first, and wasn\'t on your side.\nTogether, we changed things, to help unleash your potential, and innovation and investment in the private sector, the engine that drives our economic growth.\nAnd our progress on the economy is a good chapter in our history.\nBut now we turn the page and write a new chapter. And that\'s what I want to speak about tonight.\nThis election is not an award for past performance.\nI\'m not asking you to vote for me on the basis of the economy we have.\nTonight, I ask for your support on the basis of the better, fairer, more prosperous America we can build together.\nTogether, let\'s make sure that our prosperity enriches not just the few, but all working families. Let\'s invest in health care, education, a secure retirement, and middle class tax cuts.\nI\'m happy that the stock market has boomed and so many businesses and new enterprises have done well. This country is richer and stronger.\nBut my focus is on working families - people trying to make house payments and car payments, working overtime to save for college and do right by their kids... Whether you\'re in a suburb, or an inner-city... Whether you raise crops or drive hogs and cattle on a farm, drive a big rig on the Interstate, or drive e-commerce on the Internet... Whether you\'re starting out to raise your own family, or getting ready to retire after a lifetime of hard work.\nSo often, powerful forces and powerful interests stand in your way, and the odds seemed stacked against you -- even as you do what\'s right for you and your family.\nHow and what we do for all of you - the people who pay the taxes, bear the burdens, and live the American dream -- that is the standard by which we should be judged.\nAnd for all of our good times, I am not satisfied.\nTo all the families in America who have to struggle to afford the right education and the skyrocketing cost of prescription drugs -\nI want you to know this: I\'ve taken on the powerful forces. And as President, I\'ll stand up to them, and I\'ll stand up for you.\nTo all the families who are struggling with things that money can\'t measure - like trying to find a little more time to spend with your children, or protecting your children from entertainment that you think glorifies violence and indecency -\nI want you to know: I believe we must challenge a culture with too much meanness, and not enough meaning. And as President, I will stand with you for a goal that we share: to give more power back to the parents, to choose what your own children are exposed to, so you can pass on your family\'s basic lessons of responsibility and decency.\nThe power should be in your hands. The future should belong to everyone in this land.\nWe could squander this moment - but our country would be the poorer for it. Instead, let\'s lift our eyes, and see how wide the American horizon has become.\nWe\'re entering a new time -\nWe\'re electing a new President -\nAnd I stand here tonight as my own man, and I want you to know me for who I truly am.\nI grew up in a wonderful family. I have a lot to be thankful for. And the greatest gift my parents gave me was love. When I was a child, it never once occurred to me that the foundation upon which my security depended would ever shake.\nAnd of all the lessons my parents taught me, the most powerful one was unspoken -- the way they loved one another.\nMy father respected my mother as an equal, if not more. She was his best friend, and in many ways, his conscience. And I learned from them the value of a true, loving partnership that lasts for life.\nThey simply couldn\'t imagine being without each other. And for 61 years, they were by each other\'s side.\nMy parents taught me that the real values in life aren\'t material but spiritual. They include faith and family, duty and honor, and trying to make the world a better place.\nI finished college at a time when all that seemed to be in doubt, and our nation\'s spirit was being depleted. We saw the assassination of our best leaders. Appeals to racial backlash. And the first warning signs of Watergate.\nI remember the conversations I had with Tipper back then - and the doubts we had about the Vietnam War.\nBut I enlisted in the Army because I knew if I didn\'t go, someone else in the small town of Carthage, Tennessee would have to go in my place.\nI was an Army reporter in Vietnam. When I was there, I didn\'t do the most, or run the gravest danger. But I was proud to wear my country\'s uniform.\nWhen I came home, running for office was the very last thing I ever thought I would do. I studied religion at Vanderbilt, and worked nights as a police reporter at the Nashville Tennessean. And I saw more of what could go wrong in America - not only on the police beat, but as an investigative reporter covering local government.\nI also saw so much of what could go right - citizens lifting up local communities, family by family, block by block, neighborhood by neighborhood, in churches and charities, on school boards and City Councils.\nAnd then, Tipper and I started our own family. And when our first daughter Karenna was born, I began to see the future through a fresh set of eyes. I know a lot of you have had that feeling, too.\nAnd I decided that I could not turn away from service at home - any more than I could have turned away from service in Vietnam.\nThat\'s why I ran for Congress. In my first term, a family in Hardeman County, Tennessee wrote a letter and told how worried they were about toxic waste that had been dumped near their home. I held some of the first hearings on the issue. And ever since, I\'ve been there in the fight against the big polluters.\nOur children should not have to draw the breath of life in cities awash in pollution. When they come in from playing on a hot summer afternoon, every child in America, anywhere in America, ought to be able to turn on the faucet and get a glass of safe, clean drinking water.\nOn the issue of the environment, I\'ve never given up, I\'ve never backed down, and I never will.\nAnd I say it again tonight: we must reverse the silent, rising tide of global warming.\nIn the Senate and as Vice President, I fought for welfare reform. Over and over again, I talked to folks who told me how they were trapped in the old welfare system. I saw what it did to families. So I fought to end welfare as we then knew it - to help those in trouble, but to insist on work and responsibility.\nOthers talked about welfare reform. We actually reformed welfare and set time limits. Instead of hand-outs, we gave people training to go from welfare to work. And we have cut the welfare rolls in half and moved millions into good jobs.\nFor almost 25 years now, I\'ve been fighting for people. And for all that time, I\'ve been listening to people - holding open meetings, in the places where they live and work.\nAnd you know what? I\'ve learned a lot. And if I\'m your President, I\'m going to keep on having open meetings all over this country. I\'m going to go out to you, the people, because I want to stay in touch with your hopes; with the quiet, every-day heroism of hard-working Americans.\nAnd because I\'ve learned that the issues before us, the problems and the policies, all have names. And I don\'t mean the big fancy names that we put on programs and legislation. I\'m talking about family names like Nystel, Johnson, Gutierrez, and Malone - people and families I\'ve met in the last year, all across this country. And here\'s what they\'ve told me:\nI met Mildred Nystel in Waterloo, Iowa. Because of our welfare reform, she\'s left welfare and found a good job training electricians - and she\'s become a proud member of IBEW Local 288. Now she dreams of sending her daughter Irene to college.\nMildred Nystel is here with us tonight. And I say to her: I will fight for a targeted, affordable tax cut to help working families save and pay for college.\nI met Jacqueline Johnson in St. Louis, Missouri. She worked for 35 years as a medical assistant, caring for others. Now she\'s 72 years old and needs prescription medicines to care for herself. She spends over half of her Social Security check - her only source of income - on her pills. So she either skips meals, or shops for bargains at a wholesale food store and buys macaroni and cheese dinners in bulk - and then has them at every meal.\nI invited her here tonight. And Mrs. Johnson, I promise you once again: I will fight for a prescription drug benefit for all seniors under Medicare.\nIt\'s just wrong for seniors to have to choose between food and medicine while the big drug companies run up record profits.\nI met George and Juanita Gutierrez in San Antonio, Texas. Their daughter Caterina has just started the 4th grade at Davy Crockett Elementary School. The school building is crumbling and overcrowded, with cracked walls and peeling plaster. Trailers cover the playground where the kids used to spend recess.\nThe Gutierrez family is here tonight. And I tell them again: I will fight to rebuild and modernize our crumbling schools, and reduce class size. We need to put safety, discipline, and character first in every classroom.\nYou know, education may be a local responsibility. But I believe it also has to be our number-one national priority. We can\'t stop until every school in America is a good place to get a good education.\nAnd I will never forget a little boy named Ian Malone - who suffered from a medical mistake during childbirth, and needs full-time nursing care for several years. I met him and his parents in Seattle, near their home in Everett, Washington. Their HMO had told the Malones it would no longer pay for the nurse they needed, and then, told them they should consider giving Ian up for adoption.\nThat\'s when his mom and dad got really mad. They told their story in public, and the HMO was embarrassed. Because they fought for their baby , today Ian has the care he needs to stay alive. But no family in America should have to go on national television to save their child\'s life.\nDylan and Christine Malone are here with us tonight. Ian\'s here, too. And I say to them, and to all the families of America: I will fight for a real, enforceable Patients\' Bill of Rights.\nIt\'s just wrong to have life and death medical decisions made by bean-counters at HMO\'s who don\'t have a license to practice medicine, and don\'t have a right to play God. It\'s time to take the medical decisions away from the HMO\'s and insurance companies - and give them back to the doctors, the nurses, and the health care professionals.\nSo this is not just an election between my opponent and me. It\'s about our people, our families, and our future - and whether forces standing in your way will keep you from having a better life.\nTo me, this election is about Mildred Nystel, Jacqueline Johnson, Caterina Gutierrez, Ian Malone.\nIt\'s about millions of Americans whose names we may never know - but whose needs and dreams must always be our calling.\nAnd so here tonight, in the name of all the working families who are the strength and soul of America -- I accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nI\'m here to talk seriously about the issues. I believe people deserve to know specifically what a candidate proposes to do. I intend to tell you tonight. You ought to be able to know, and then judge for yourself.\nIf you entrust me with the Presidency, I will put our democracy back in your hands, and get all the special-interest money - all of it - out of our democracy, by enacting campaign finance reform. I feel so strongly about this, I promise you that campaign finance reform will be the very first bill that Joe Lieberman and I send to Congress.\nLet others try to restore the old guard. We come to this convention as the change we wish to see in America.\nAnd what are those changes?\nAt a time when most Americans will live to know even their great-grandchildren, we will save and strengthen Social Security and Medicare - not only for this generation, but for generations to come.\nAt a time of almost unimaginable medical breakthroughs, we will fight for affordable health care for all - so patients and ordinary people are not left powerless and broke. We will move toward universal health coverage, step by step, starting with all children. Let\'s get all children covered by the year 2004.\nAnd let\'s move to the day when we end the stigma of mental illness, and treat it like every other illness, everywhere in this nation.\nWithin the next few years, scientists will identify the genes that cause every type of cancer. We need a national commitment equal to the promise of this unequalled moment. So we will double the federal investment in medical research. We will find new medicines and new cures - not just for cancer, but for everything from diabetes to HIV\/AIDS.\nAt a time when there is more computer power in a Palm Pilot than in the spaceship that took Neil Armstrong to the moon, we will offer all our people lifelong learning and new skills for the higher-paying jobs of the future.\nAt a time when the amount of human knowledge is doubling every five years, we will do bold things to make our schools the best in the world. I will fight for the single greatest commitment to education since the G.I. Bill -\nFor revolutionary improvements in our schools. For higher standards and more accountability. To put a fully-qualified teacher in every classroom, test all new teachers, and give teachers the training and professional development they deserve. It\'s time to treat and reward teachers like the professionals they are.\nIt\'s not just about more money. It\'s about higher standards, accountability -- new ideas. But we can\'t do it without new resources. And that\'s why I will invest far more in our schools - in the long-run, a second-class education always costs more than a first-class education.\nAnd I will not go along with any plan that would drain taxpayer money away from our public schools and give it to private schools in the form of vouchers.\nThis nation was a pioneer of universal public education. Now let\'s set a specific new goal for the first decade of the 21st Century: high-quality universal pre-school - available to every child, in every family, all across this country.\nWe also have to give middle-class families help in paying for college with tax-free college savings, and by making most college tuition tax-deductible. Open the doors of learning to all.\nAnd all of this - all of this -- is the change we wish to see in America.\nNot so long ago, a balanced budget seemed impossible. Now our budget surpluses make it possible to give a full range of targeted tax cuts to working families. Not just to help you save for college, but to pay for health insurance or child care. To reform the estate tax, so people can pass on a small business or a family farm. And to end the marriage penalty - the right way, the fair way -- because we shouldn\'t force couples to pay more in income taxes just because they\'re married.\nBut let me say it plainly: I will not go along with a huge tax cut for the wealthy at the expense of everyone else and wreck our good economy in the process.\nUnder the tax plan the other side has proposed, for every ten dollars that goes to the wealthiest one percent, middle class families would get one dime. And lower-income families would get one penny.\nIn fact, if you add it up, the average family would get about enough money to buy one extra Diet Coke a day.\nAbout 62 cents in change. Let me tell you: that\'s not the kind of change I\'m working for.\nI\'ll fight for tax cuts that go to the right people - to the working families who have the toughest time paying taxes and saving for the future.\nI\'ll fight for a new, tax-free way to help you save and build a bigger nest egg for your retirement. I\'m talking about something extra that you can save and invest for yourself. Something that will supplement Social Security, not be subtracted from it.\nBut I will not go along with any proposal to strip one out of every six dollars from the Social Security trust fund and privatize the Social Security that you\'re counting on. That\'s Social Security minus. Our plan is Social Security plus.\nWe will balance the budget every year, and dedicate the budget surplus first to saving Social Security.\nIn the next four years, we will pay off all the national debt this nation accumulated in our first 200 years. This will put us on the path to completely eliminating the debt by 2012, keeping America prosperous far into the future.\nBut there\'s something at stake in this election that\'s even more important than economic progress. Simply put, it\'s our values; it\'s our responsibility to our loved ones, to our families.\nAnd to me, family values means honoring our fathers and mothers, teaching our children well, caring for the sick, respecting one another -- giving people the power to achieve what they want for their families.\nPutting both Social Security and Medicare in an iron-clad lock box where the politicians can\'t touch them -- to me, that kind of common sense is a family value.\nGetting cigarettes out of the hands of kids before they get hooked is a family value. I will crack down on the marketing of tobacco to our children, no matter how hard the tobacco companies lobby, no matter how much they spend.\nA new prescription drug benefit under Medicare for all our seniors - that\'s a family value. And let me tell you: I will fight for it, and the other side will not. They give in to the big drug companies. Their plan tells seniors to beg the HMO\'s and insurance companies for prescription drug coverage.\nAnd that\'s the difference in this election. They\'re for the powerful, and we\'re for the people.\nBig tobacco, big oil, the big polluters, the pharmaceutical companies, the HMO\'s. Sometimes you have to be willing to stand up and say no - so families can have a better life.\nI know one thing about the job of the President. It is the only job in the Constitution that is charged with the responsibility of fighting for all the people. Not just the people of one state, or one district; not just the wealthy or the powerful -- all the people. Especially those who need a voice; those who need a champion; those who need to be lifted up, so they are never left behind.\nSo I say to you tonight: if you entrust me with the Presidency, I will fight for you.\nThere\'s one other word we\'ve heard a lot of in this campaign, and that word is honor.\nTo me, honor is not just a word, but an obligation.\nAnd you have my word: we will honor hard work by raising the minimum wage so that work always pays more than welfare.\nWe will honor families by expanding child care, and after-school care, and family and medical leave - so working parents have the help they need to care for their children -- because one of the most important jobs of all is raising our children.\nAnd we\'ll support the right of parents to decide that one of them will stay home longer with their babies if that\'s what they believe is best for their families.\nWe will honor the ideal of equality by standing up for civil rights and defending affirmative action.\nWe will honor equal rights and fight for an equal day\'s pay for an equal day\'s work.\nAnd let there be no doubt: I will protect and defend a woman\'s right to choose. The last thing this country needs is a Supreme Court that overturns Roe v. Wade.\nWe will remove all the old barriers -- so that those who are called disabled can develop all their abilities.\nAnd we will also widen the circle of opportunity for all Americans, and enforce all our civil rights laws.\nWe will pass the Employment Non-Discrimination Act.\nAnd we will honor the memory of Matthew Shepard, Joseph Ileto, and James Byrd, whose families all joined us this week -- by passing a law against hate crimes.\nWe will honor the hard work of raising a family - by doing all we can to help parents protect their children. Parents deserve the simple security of knowing that their children are safe whether they\'re walking down the street, surfing the World Wide Web, or sitting behind a desk in school.\nTo make families safer, we passed the toughest crime bill in history, and we\'re putting 100,000 new community police on our streets. Crime has fallen in every major category for seven years in a row. But there\'s still too much danger and there\'s still too much fear.\nSo tonight I want to set another new, specific goal: to cut the crime rate year after year -- every single year throughout this decade.\nThat\'s why I\'ll fight to add another 50,000 new police - community police who help prevent crime by establishing real relationships between law enforcement and neighborhood residents - which, incidentally, is the opposite of racial profiling, which must be brought to an end.\nI will fight for a crime victims\' bill of rights, including a Constitutional amendment to make sure that victims, and not just criminals, are guaranteed rights in our justice system.\nI\'ll fight to toughen penalties on those who misuse the Internet to prey on our children and violate our privacy. And I\'ll fight to make every school in this nation drug-free and gun-free.\nI believe in the right of sportsmen and hunters and law-abiding citizens to own firearms. But I want mandatory background checks to keep guns away from criminals, and mandatory child safety locks to protect our children.\nTipper and I went out to Columbine High School after the tragedy there, and we embraced the families of the children who were lost. And I will never forget the words of the father who whispered into my ear, \"Promise me that these children will not have died in vain.\"\nAll of us must join together to make that promise come true. Laws and programs by themselves will never be enough. All of us, and especially all parents need to take more responsibility. We need to change our hearts -- and make a commitment to our children and to one another.\nI\'m excited about America\'s prospects and full of hope for America\'s future. Our country has come a long way, and I\'ve come a long way since that long ago time when I went to Vietnam.\nI\'ve never forgotten what I saw there -- and the bravery of so many young Americans.\nThe price of freedom is sometimes high, but I never believed that America should turn inward.\nAs a Senator, I broke with many in our party and voted to support the Gulf War when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait -- because I believed America\'s vital interests were at stake.\nEarly in my public service, I took up the issue of nuclear arms control and nuclear weapons -- because nothing is more fundamental than protecting our national security.\nNow I want to lead America because I love America. I will keep America\'s defenses strong. I will make sure our armed forces continue to be the best-equipped, best-trained, and best-led in the entire world.\nIn the last century, this nation more than any other freed the world from fascism and communism. But a newly free world still has dangers and challenges, both old and new. We must always have the will to defend our enduring interests -- from Europe, to the Middle East, to Japan and Korea. We must strengthen our partnerships with Africa, Latin America, and the rest of the developing world.\nWe must welcome and promote truly free trade. But I say to you: it must be fair trade. We must set standards to end child labor, to prevent the exploitation of workers and the poisoning of the environment. Free trade can and must be -- and if I\'m President, will be -- a way to lift everyone up, not bring anyone down to the lowest common denominator.\nSo those are the issues, and that\'s where I stand. But I also want to tell you just a little more about two of my greatest heroes, my father and my mother.\nThey did give me a good life. But like so many in America, they started out with almost nothing.\nMy father grew up in a small community named Possum Hollow in Middle Tennessee. When he was just eighteen, he went to work as a teacher in a one-room school.\nThen the Great Depression came along and taught him a lesson that couldn\'t be found in any classroom. He told me and my sister often how he watched grown men, with wives and children they could neither feed nor clothe, on farms they could no longer pay for.\nMy father didn\'t know whether he could help those families -- but he believed he had to try. And never in the years to come - in Congress, and in the United States Senate -- did he lose sight of the reason he entered public service: to fight for the people, not the powerful.\nMy mother grew up in a poor farming community in northwest Tennessee. Her family ran a small country store in Cold Corner. A store that went bust during the Great Depression.\nShe worked her way through college, then got a room in Nashville at the YWCA and waited tables at an all-night coffee shop for 25-cent tips. She then went on to become one of the first women in history to graduate from Vanderbilt Law School.\nAs Tipper told you tonight, we lost my dad a year and a half ago. But we\'re so lucky that my mother Pauline continues to be part of our lives, every single day. She\'s here tonight.\nSometimes in this campaign, when I visit a school and see a hard-working teacher trying to change the world one child at a time -- I see the face of my father.\nAnd I know that teaching our children well is not just the teacher\'s job; it\'s everyone\'s job. And it has to be our national mission.\nI\'ve shaken hands in diners and coffee shops all across this country. And sometimes, when I see a waitress working hard and thanking someone for a tip, I see the face of my mother. And I know: for that waitress carrying trays, or a construction worker in the winter cold, I will never agree to raise the retirement age to 70, or threaten the promise of Social Security.\nI say to you tonight: we\'ve got to win this election - because every hard-working American family deserves to open the door to their dream.\nIn our democracy, the future is not something that just happens to us; it is something we make for ourselves -- together.\nSo to the young people watching tonight, I say: this is your time to make new the life of our world. We need your help to rekindle the spirit of America.\nAnd I ask all of you, my fellow citizens: from this city that marked both the end of America\'s journey westward and the beginning of the New Frontier, let us set out on a new journey to the best America.\nA new journey on which we advance not by the turning of wheels, but by the turning of our minds; the reach of our vision; the daring grace of the human spirit.\nYes, we have our problems. But the United States of America is the best country ever created -- and still, as ever, the hope of humankind.\nYes, we\'re all imperfect. But as Americans we all share in the privilege and challenge of building a more perfect union.\nI know my own imperfections. I know that sometimes people say I\'m too serious, that I talk too much substance and policy. Maybe I\'ve done that tonight.\nBut the Presidency is more than a popularity contest. It\'s a day-by-day fight for people. Sometimes, you have to choose to do what\'s difficult or unpopular. Sometimes, you have to be willing to spend your popularity in order to pick the hard right over the easy wrong.\nThere are big choices ahead, and our whole future is at stake. And I do have strong beliefs about it.\nIf you entrust me with the Presidency, I know I won\'t always be the most exciting politician.\nBut I pledge to you tonight: I will work for you every day and I will never let you down.\nIf we allow ourselves to believe, without reservation, that we can do what\'s right and be the better for it -- then the best America will become our America.\nIn this City of Angels, we can summon the better angels of our nature.\nDo not rest where we are, or retreat. Do all we can to make America all it can become.\nThank you - God bless you - and God bless 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John Kerry and I\'m reporting for duty.\nWe are here tonight because we love our country.\nWe are proud of what America is and what it can become.\nMy fellow Americans: we are here tonight united in one simple purpose: to make America stronger at home and respected in the world.\nA great American novelist wrote that you can\'t go home again. He could not have imagined this evening. Tonight, I am home. Home where my public life began and those who made it possible live. Home where our nation\'s history was written in blood, idealism, and hope. Home where my parents showed me the values of family, faith, and country.\nThank you, all of you, for a welcome home I will never forget.\nI wish my parents could share this moment. They went to their rest in the last few years, but their example, their inspiration, their gift of open eyes, open mind, and endless world are bigger and more lasting than any words.\nI was born in Colorado, in Fitzsimmons Army Hospital, when my dad was a pilot in World War II. Now, I\'m not one to read into things, but guess which wing of the hospital the maternity ward was in? I\'m not making this up. I was born in the West Wing!\nMy mother was the rock of our family as so many mothers are. She stayed up late to help me do my homework. She sat by my bed when I was sick, and she answered the questions of a child who, like all children, found the world full of wonders and mysteries.\nShe was my den mother when I was a Cub Scout and she was so proud of her fifty year pin as a Girl Scout leader. She gave me her passion for the environment. She taught me to see trees as the cathedrals of nature. And by the power of her example, she showed me that we can and must finish the march toward full equality for all women in our country.\nMy dad did the things that a boy remembers. He gave me my first model airplane, my first baseball mitt and my first bicycle. He also taught me that we are here for something bigger than ourselves; he lived out the responsibilities and sacrifices of the greatest generation to whom we owe so much.\nWhen I was a young man, he was in the State Department, stationed in Berlin when it and the world were divided between democracy and communism. I have unforgettable memories of being a kid mesmerized by the British, French, and American troops, each of them guarding their own part of the city, and Russians standing guard on the stark line separating East from West. On one occasion, I rode my bike into Soviet East Berlin. And when I proudly told my dad, he promptly grounded me.\nBut what I learned has stayed with me for a lifetime. I saw how different life was on different sides of the same city. I saw the fear in the eyes of people who were not free. I saw the gratitude of people toward the United States for all that we had done. I felt goose bumps as I got off a military train and heard the Army band strike up \"Stars and Stripes Forever.\" I learned what it meant to be America at our best. I learned the pride of our freedom. And I am determined now to restore that pride to all who look to America.\nMine were greatest generation parents. And as I thank them, we all join together to thank that whole generation for making America strong, for winning World War II, winning the Cold War, and for the great gift of service which brought America fifty years of peace and prosperity.\nMy parents inspired me to serve, and when I was a junior in high school, John Kennedy called my generation to service. It was the beginning of a great journey – a time to march for civil rights, for voting rights, for the environment, for women, and for peace. We believed we could change the world. And you know what? We did.\nBut we\'re not finished. The journey isn\'t complete. The march isn\'t over. The promise isn\'t perfected. Tonight, we\'re setting out again. And together, we\'re going to write the next great chapter of America\'s story.\nWe have it in our power to change the world again. But only if we\'re true to our ideals – and that starts by telling the truth to the American people. That is my first pledge to you tonight. As President, I will restore trust and credibility to the White House.\nI ask you to judge me by my record: As a young prosecutor, I fought for victim\'s rights and made prosecuting violence against women a priority. When I came to the Senate, I broke with many in my own party to vote for a balanced budget, because I thought it was the right thing to do. I fought to put a 100,000 cops on the street.\nAnd then I reached across the aisle to work with John McCain, to find the truth about our POW\'s and missing in action, and to finally make peace with Vietnam.\nI will be a commander in chief who will never mislead us into war. I will have a Vice President who will not conduct secret meetings with polluters to rewrite our environmental laws. I will have a Secretary of Defense who will listen to the best advice of our military leaders. And I will appoint an Attorney General who actually upholds the Constitution of the United States.\nMy fellow Americans, this is the most important election of our lifetime. The stakes are high. We are a nation at war – a global war on terror against an enemy unlike any we have ever known before. And here at home, wages are falling, health care costs are rising, and our great middle class is shrinking. People are working weekends; they\'re working two jobs, three jobs, and they\'re still not getting ahead.\nWe\'re told that outsourcing jobs is good for America. We\'re told that new jobs that pay $9,000 less than the jobs that have been lost is the best we can do. They say this is the best economy we\'ve ever had. And they say that anyone who thinks otherwise is a pessimist. Well, here is our answer: There is nothing more pessimistic than saying America can\'t do better.\nWe can do better and we will. We\'re the optimists. For us, this is a country of the future. We\'re the can do people. And let\'s not forget what we did in the 1990s. We balanced the budget. We paid down the debt. We created 23 million new jobs. We lifted millions out of poverty and we lifted the standard of living for the middle class. We just need to believe in ourselves – and we can do it again.\nSo tonight, in the city where America\'s freedom began, only a few blocks from where the sons and daughters of liberty gave birth to our nation – here tonight, on behalf of a new birth of freedom – on behalf of the middle class who deserve a champion, and those struggling to join it who deserve a fair shot – for the brave men and women in uniform who risk their lives every day and the families who pray for their return – for all those who believe our best days are ahead of us – for all of you – with great faith in the American people, I accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nI am proud that at my side will be a running mate whose life is the story of the American dream and who\'s worked every day to make that dream real for all Americans – Senator John Edwards of North Carolina. And his wonderful wife Elizabeth and their family. This son of a mill worker is ready to lead – and next January, Americans will be proud to have a fighter for the middle class to succeed Dick Cheney as Vice President of the United States.\nAnd what can I say about Teresa? She has the strongest moral compass of anyone I know. She\'s down to earth, nurturing, courageous, wise and smart. She speaks her mind and she speaks the truth, and I love her for that, too. And that\'s why America will embrace her as the next First Lady of the United States.\nFor Teresa and me, no matter what the future holds or the past has given us, nothing will ever mean as much as our children. We love them not just for who they are and what they\'ve become, but for being themselves, making us laugh, holding our feet to the fire, and never letting me get away with anything. Thank you, Andre, Alex, Chris, Vanessa, and John.\nAnd in this journey, I am accompanied by an extraordinary band of brothers led by that American hero, a patriot named Max Cleland. Our band of brothers doesn\'t march together because of who we are as veterans, but because of what we learned as soldiers. We fought for this nation because we loved it and we came back with the deep belief that every day is extra. We may be a little older now, we may be a little grayer, but we still know how to fight for our country.\nAnd standing with us in that fight are those who shared with me the long season of the primary campaign: Carol Moseley Braun, General Wesley Clark, Howard Dean, Dick Gephardt, Bob Graham, Dennis Kucinich, Joe Lieberman and Al Sharpton.\nTo all of you, I say thank you for teaching me and testing me – but mostly, we say thank you for standing up for our country and giving us the unity to move America forward.\nMy fellow Americans, the world tonight is very different from the world of four years ago. But I believe the American people are more than equal to the challenge.\nRemember the hours after September 11th, when we came together as one to answer the attack against our homeland. We drew strength when our firefighters ran up the stairs and risked their lives, so that others might live. When rescuers rushed into smoke and fire at the Pentagon. When the men and women of Flight 93 sacrificed themselves to save our nation\'s Capitol. When flags were hanging from front porches all across America, and strangers became friends. It was the worst day we have ever seen, but it brought out the best in all of us.\nI am proud that after September 11th all our people rallied to President Bush\'s call for unity to meet the danger. There were no Democrats. There were no Republicans. There were only Americans. How we wish it had stayed that way.\nNow I know there are those who criticize me for seeing complexities – and I do – because some issues just aren\'t all that simple. Saying there are weapons of mass destruction in Iraq doesn\'t make it so. Saying we can fight a war on the cheap doesn\'t make it so. And proclaiming mission accomplished certainly doesn\'t make it so.\nAs President, I will ask hard questions and demand hard evidence. I will immediately reform the intelligence system – so policy is guided by facts, and facts are never distorted by politics. And as President, I will bring back this nation\'s time-honored tradition: the United States of America never goes to war because we want to, we only go to war because we have to.\nI know what kids go through when they are carrying an M-16 in a dangerous place and they can\'t tell friend from foe. I know what they go through when they\'re out on patrol at night and they don\'t know what\'s coming around the next bend. I know what it\'s like to write letters home telling your family that everything\'s all right when you\'re not sure that\'s true.\nAs President, I will wage this war with the lessons I learned in war. Before you go to battle, you have to be able to look a parent in the eye and truthfully say: \"I tried everything possible to avoid sending your son or daughter into harm\'s way. But we had no choice. We had to protect the American people, fundamental American values from a threat that was real and imminent.\" So lesson one, this is the only justification for going to war.\nAnd on my first day in office, I will send a message to every man and woman in our armed forces: You will never be asked to fight a war without a plan to win the peace.\nI know what we have to do in Iraq. We need a President who has the credibility to bring our allies to our side and share the burden, reduce the cost to American taxpayers, and reduce the risk to American soldiers. That\'s the right way to get the job done and bring our troops home.\nHere is the reality: that won\'t happen until we have a president who restores America\'s respect and leadership -- so we don\'t have to go it alone in the world.\nAnd we need to rebuild our alliances, so we can get the terrorists before they get us.\nI defended this country as a young man and I will defend it as President. Let there be no mistake: I will never hesitate to use force when it is required. Any attack will be met with a swift and certain response. I will never give any nation or international institution a veto over our national security. And I will build a stronger American military.\nWe will add 40,000 active duty troops – not in Iraq, but to strengthen American forces that are now overstretched, overextended, and under pressure. We will double our special forces to conduct anti-terrorist operations. We will provide our troops with the newest weapons and technology to save their lives – and win the battle. And we will end the backdoor draft of National Guard and reservists.\nTo all who serve in our armed forces today, I say, help is on the way.\nAs President, I will fight a smarter, more effective war on terror. We will deploy every tool in our arsenal: our economic as well as our military might; our principles as well as our firepower.\nIn these dangerous days there is a right way and a wrong way to be strong. Strength is more than tough words. After decades of experience in national security, I know the reach of our power and I know the power of our ideals.\nWe need to make America once again a beacon in the world. We need to be looked up to and not just feared.\nWe need to lead a global effort against nuclear proliferation – to keep the most dangerous weapons in the world out of the most dangerous hands in the world.\nWe need a strong military and we need to lead strong alliances. And then, with confidence and determination, we will be able to tell the terrorists: You will lose and we will win. The future doesn\'t belong to fear; it belongs to freedom.\nAnd the front lines of this battle are not just far away – they\'re right here on our shores, at our airports, and potentially in any town or city. Today, our national security begins with homeland security. The 9-11 Commission has given us a path to follow, endorsed by Democrats, Republicans, and the 9-11 families. As President, I will not evade or equivocate; I will immediately implement the recommendations of that commission. We shouldn\'t be letting ninety-five percent of container ships come into our ports without ever being physically inspected. We shouldn\'t be leaving our nuclear and chemical plants without enough protection. And we shouldn\'t be opening firehouses in Baghdad and closing them down in the United States of America.\nAnd tonight, we have an important message for those who question the patriotism of Americans who offer a better direction for our country. Before wrapping themselves in the flag and shutting their eyes and ears to the truth, they should remember what America is really all about. They should remember the great idea of freedom for which so many have given their lives. Our purpose now is to reclaim democracy itself. We are here to affirm that when Americans stand up and speak their minds and say America can do better, that is not a challenge to patriotism; it is the heart and soul of patriotism.\nYou see that flag up there. We call her Old Glory. The stars and stripes forever. I fought under that flag, as did so many of you here and all across our country. That flag flew from the gun turret right behind my head. It was shot through and through and tattered, but it never ceased to wave in the wind. It draped the caskets of men I served with and friends I grew up with. For us, that flag is the most powerful symbol of who we are and what we believe in. Our strength. Our diversity. Our love of country. All that makes America both great and good.\nThat flag doesn\'t belong to any president. It doesn\'t belong to any ideology and it doesn\'t belong to any political party. It belongs to all the American people.\nMy fellow citizens, elections are about choices. And choices are about values. In the end, it\'s not just policies and programs that matter; the president who sits at that desk must be guided by principle.\nFor four years, we\'ve heard a lot of talk about values. But values spoken without actions taken are just slogans. Values are not just words. They\'re what we live by. They\'re about the causes we champion and the people we fight for. And it is time for those who talk about family values to start valuing families.\nYou don\'t value families by kicking kids out of after school programs and taking cops off our streets, so that Enron can get another tax break.\nWe believe in the family value of caring for our children and protecting the neighborhoods where they walk and play.\nAnd that is the choice in this election.\nYou don\'t value families by denying real prescription drug coverage to seniors, so big drug companies can get another windfall.\nWe believe in the family value expressed in one of the oldest Commandments: \"Honor thy father and thy mother.\" As President, I will not privatize Social Security. I will not cut benefits. And together, we will make sure that senior citizens never have to cut their pills in half because they can\'t afford life-saving medicine.\nAnd that is the choice in this election.\nYou don\'t value families if you force them to take up a collection to buy body armor for a son or daughter in the service, if you deny veterans health care, or if you tell middle class families to wait for a tax cut, so that the wealthiest among us can get even more.\nWe believe in the value of doing what\'s right for everyone in the American family.\nAnd that is the choice in this election.\nWe believe that what matters most is not narrow appeals masquerading as values, but the shared values that show the true face of America. Not narrow appeals that divide us, but shared values that unite us. Family and faith. Hard work and responsibility. Opportunity for all – so that every child, every parent, every worker has an equal shot at living up to their God-given potential.\nWhat does it mean in America today when Dave McCune, a steel worker I met in Canton, Ohio, saw his job sent overseas and the equipment in his factory literally unbolted, crated up, and shipped thousands of miles away along with that job? What does it mean when workers I\'ve met had to train their foreign replacements?\nAmerica can do better. So tonight we say: help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when Mary Ann Knowles, a woman with breast cancer I met in New Hampshire, had to keep working day after day right through her chemotherapy, no matter how sick she felt, because she was terrified of losing her family\'s health insurance.\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when Deborah Kromins from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania works and saves all her life only to find out that her pension has disappeared into thin air – and the executive who looted it has bailed out on a golden parachute?\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when twenty five percent of the children in Harlem have asthma because of air pollution?\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when people are huddled in blankets in the cold, sleeping in Lafayette Park on the doorstep of the White House itself – and the number of families living in poverty has risen by three million in the last four years?\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nAnd so we come here tonight to ask: Where is the conscience of our country?\nI\'ll tell you where it is: it\'s in rural and small town America; it\'s in urban neighborhoods and suburban main streets; it\'s alive in the people I\'ve met in every part of this land. It\'s bursting in the hearts of Americans who are determined to give our country back its values and its truth.\nWe value jobs that pay you more not less than you earned before. We value jobs where, when you put in a week\'s work, you can actually pay your bills, provide for your children, and lift up the quality of your life. We value an America where the middle class is not being squeezed, but doing better.\nSo here is our economic plan to build a stronger America:\nFirst, new incentives to revitalize manufacturing.\nSecond, investment in technology and innovation that will create the good-paying jobs of the future.\nThird, close the tax loopholes that reward companies for shipping our jobs overseas. Instead, we will reward companies that create and keep good paying jobs where they belong – in the good old U.S.A.\nWe value an America that exports products, not jobs – and we believe American workers should never have to subsidize the loss of their own job.\nNext, we will trade and compete in the world. But our plan calls for a fair playing field – because if you give the American worker a fair playing field, there\'s nobody in the world the American worker can\'t compete against.\nAnd we\'re going to return to fiscal responsibility because it is the foundation of our economic strength. Our plan will cut the deficit in half in four years by ending tax giveaways that are nothing more than corporate welfare – and will make government live by the rule that every family has to follow: pay as you go.\nAnd let me tell you what we won\'t do: we won\'t raise taxes on the middle class. You\'ve heard a lot of false charges about this in recent months. So let me say straight out what I will do as President: I will cut middle class taxes. I will reduce the tax burden on small business. And I will roll back the tax cuts for the wealthiest individuals who make over $200,000 a year, so we can invest in job creation, health care and education.\nOur education plan for a stronger America sets high standards and demands accountability from parents, teachers, and schools. It provides for smaller class sizes and treats teachers like the professionals they are. And it gives a tax credit to families for each and every year of college.\nWhen I was a prosecutor, I met young kids who were in trouble, abandoned by adults. And as President, I am determined that we stop being a nation content to spend $50,000 a year to keep a young person in prison for the rest of their life – when we could invest $10,000 to give them Head Start, Early Start, Smart Start, the best possible start in life.\nAnd we value health care that\'s affordable and accessible for all Americans.\nSince 2000, four million people have lost their health insurance. Millions more are struggling to afford it.\nYou know what\'s happening. Your premiums, your co-payments, your deductibles have all gone through the roof.\nOur health care plan for a stronger America cracks down on the waste, greed, and abuse in our health care system and will save families up to $1,000 a year on their premiums. You\'ll get to pick your own doctor – and patients and doctors, not insurance company bureaucrats, will make medical decisions. Under our plan, Medicare will negotiate lower drug prices for seniors. And all Americans will be able to buy less expensive prescription drugs from countries like Canada.\nThe story of people struggling for health care is the story of so many Americans. But you know what, it\'s not the story of senators and members of Congress. Because we give ourselves great health care and you get the bill. Well, I\'m here to say, your family\'s health care is just as important as any politician\'s in Washington, D.C.\nAnd when I\'m President, America will stop being the only advanced nation in the world which fails to understand that health care is not a privilege for the wealthy, the connected, and the elected – it is a right for all Americans.\nWe value an America that controls its own destiny because it\'s finally and forever independent of Mideast oil. What does it mean for our economy and our national security when we only have three percent of the world\'s oil reserves, yet we rely on foreign countries for fifty-three percent of what we consume?\nI want an America that relies on its own ingenuity and innovation – not the Saudi royal family.\nAnd our energy plan for a stronger America will invest in new technologies and alternative fuels and the cars of the future -- so that no young American in uniform will ever be held hostage to our dependence on oil from the Middle East.\nI\'ve told you about our plans for the economy, for education, for health care, for energy independence. I want you to know more about them. So now I\'m going to say something that Franklin Roosevelt could never have said in his acceptance speech: go to johnkerry.com.\nI want to address these next words directly to President George W. Bush: In the weeks ahead, let\'s be optimists, not just opponents. Let\'s build unity in the American family, not angry division. Let\'s honor this nation\'s diversity; let\'s respect one another; and let\'s never misuse for political purposes the most precious document in American history, the Constitution of the United States.\nMy friends, the high road may be harder, but it leads to a better place. And that\'s why Republicans and Democrats must make this election a contest of big ideas, not small-minded attacks. This is our time to reject the kind of politics calculated to divide race from race, group from group, region from region. Maybe some just see us divided into red states and blue states, but I see us as one America – red, white, and blue. And when I am President, the government I lead will enlist people of talent, Republicans as well as Democrats, to find the common ground – so that no one who has something to contribute will be left on the sidelines.\nAnd let me say it plainly: in that cause, and in this campaign, we welcome people of faith. America is not us and them. I think of what Ron Reagan said of his father a few weeks ago, and I want to say this to you tonight: I don\'t wear my own faith on my sleeve. But faith has given me values and hope to live by, from Vietnam to this day, from Sunday to Sunday. I don\'t want to claim that God is on our side. As Abraham Lincoln told us, I want to pray humbly that we are on God\'s side. And whatever our faith, one belief should bind us all: The measure of our character is our willingness to give of ourselves for others and for our country.\nThese aren\'t Democratic values. These aren\'t Republican values. They\'re American values. We believe in them. They\'re who we are. And if we honor them, if we believe in ourselves, we can build an America that\'s stronger at home and respected in the world.\nSo much promise stretches before us. Americans have always reached for the impossible, looked to the next horizon, and asked: What if?\nTwo young bicycle mechanics from Dayton asked what if this airplane could take off at Kitty Hawk? It did that and changed the world forever. A young president asked what if we could go to the moon in ten years? And now we\'re exploring the solar system and the stars themselves. A young generation of entrepreneurs asked, what if we could take all the information in a library and put it on a little chip the size of a fingernail? We did and that too changed the world forever.\nAnd now it\'s our time to ask: What if?\nWhat if we find a breakthrough to cure Parkinson\'s, diabetes, Alzheimer\'s and AIDS? What if we have a president who believes in science, so we can unleash the wonders of discovery like stem cell research to treat illness and save millions of lives?\nWhat if we do what adults should do – and make sure all our children are safe in the afternoons after school? And what if we have a leadership that\'s as good as the American dream – so that bigotry and hatred never again steal the hope and future of any American?\nI learned a lot about these values on that gunboat patrolling the Mekong Delta with young Americans who came from places as different as Iowa and Oregon, Arkansas, Florida and California. No one cared where we went to school. No one cared about our race or our backgrounds. We were literally all in the same boat. We looked out, one for the other – and we still do.\nThat is the kind of America I will lead as President – an America where we are all in the same boat.\nNever has there been a more urgent moment for Americans to step up and define ourselves. I will work my heart out. But, my fellow citizens, the outcome is in your hands more than mine.\nIt is time to reach for the next dream. It is time to look to the next horizon. For America, the hope is there. The sun is rising. Our best days are still to come.\nGoodnight, God bless you, and God bless 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Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation;\nWith profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.\nLet me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest – a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours -- Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.\nTo the love of my life, our next First Lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia – I love you so much, and I\'m so proud of all of you.\nFour years ago, I stood before you and told you my story – of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren\'t well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.\nIt is that promise that has always set this country apart – that through hard work and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.\nThat\'s why I stand here tonight. Because for two hundred and thirty two years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women – students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors -- found the courage to keep it alive.\nWe meet at one of those defining moments – a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil, and the American promise has been threatened once more.\nTonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can\'t afford to drive, credit card bills you can\'t afford to pay, and tuition that\'s beyond your reach.\nThese challenges are not all of government\'s making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.\nAmerica, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.\nThis country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.\nThis country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he\'s worked on for twenty years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.\nWe are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.\nTonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land – enough! This moment – this election – is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: \"Eight is enough.\"\nNow let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we\'ll also hear about those occasions when he\'s broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.\nBut the record\'s clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don\'t know about you, but I\'m not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.\nThe truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives – on health care and education and the economy – Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made \"great progress\" under this President. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisors – the man who wrote his economic plan – was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a \"mental recession,\" and that we\'ve become, and I quote, \"a nation of whiners.\"\nA nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.\nNow, I don\'t believe that Senator McCain doesn\'t care what\'s going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn\'t know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people\'s benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?\nIt\'s not because John McCain doesn\'t care. It\'s because John McCain doesn\'t get it.\nFor over two decades, he\'s subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy – give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is – you\'re on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No health care? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps – even if you don\'t have boots. You\'re on your own.\nWell it\'s time for them to own their failure. It\'s time for us to change America.\nYou see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.\nWe measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was President – when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.\nWe measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job – an economy that honors the dignity of work.\nThe fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great – a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.\nBecause in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton\'s Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.\nIn the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.\nWhen I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.\nAnd when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle-management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She\'s the one who taught me about hard work. She\'s the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she\'s watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.\nI don\'t know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as President of the United States.\nWhat is that promise?\nIt\'s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.\nIt\'s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.\nOurs is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves – protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.\nOur government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who\'s willing to work.\nThat\'s the promise of America – the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother\'s keeper; I am my sister\'s keeper.\nThat\'s the promise we need to keep. That\'s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.\nChange means a tax code that doesn\'t reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.\nUnlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.\nI will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.\nI will cut taxes – cut taxes – for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.\nAnd for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.\nWashington\'s been talking about our oil addiction for the last thirty years, and John McCain has been there for twenty-six of them. In that time, he\'s said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.\nNow is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.\nAs President, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I\'ll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I\'ll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I\'ll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy – wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can\'t ever be outsourced.\nAmerica, now is not the time for small plans.\nNow is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy. Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don\'t have that chance. I\'ll invest in early childhood education. I\'ll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I\'ll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American – if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.\nNow is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American. If you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don\'t, you\'ll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.\nNow is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.\nNow is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.\nAnd now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day\'s work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.\nNow, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I\'ve laid out how I\'ll pay for every dime – by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don\'t help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less – because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy.\nAnd Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America\'s promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our \"intellectual and moral strength.\" Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can\'t replace parents; that government can\'t turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.\nIndividual responsibility and mutual responsibility – that\'s the essence of America\'s promise.\nAnd just as we keep our keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America\'s promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next Commander-in-Chief, that\'s a debate I\'m ready to have.\nFor while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9\/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just \"muddle through\" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9\/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he\'ll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell – but he won\'t even go to the cave where he lives.\nAnd today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we\'re wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.\nThat\'s not the judgment we need. That won\'t keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.\nYou don\'t defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don\'t protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can\'t truly stand up for Georgia when you\'ve strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice – but it is not the change we need.\nWe are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don\'t tell me that Democrats won\'t defend this country. Don\'t tell me that Democrats won\'t keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans -- Democrats and Republicans – have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.\nAs Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm\'s way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.\nI will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.\nThese are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.\nBut what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other\'s character and patriotism.\nThe times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America – they have served the United States of America.\nSo I\'ve got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.\nAmerica, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can\'t just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose – our sense of higher purpose. And that\'s what we have to restore.\nWe may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don\'t tell me we can\'t uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don\'t know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America\'s promise – the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.\nI know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that\'s to be expected. Because if you don\'t have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don\'t have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.\nYou make a big election about small things.\nAnd you know what – it\'s worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn\'t work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it\'s best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know.\nI get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don\'t fit the typical pedigree, and I haven\'t spent my career in the halls of Washington.\nBut I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don\'t understand is that this election has never been about me. It\'s been about you.\nFor eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us – that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn\'t come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it – because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.\nAmerica, this is one of those moments.\nI believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I\'ve seen it. Because I\'ve lived it. I\'ve seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I\'ve seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.\nAnd I\'ve seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they\'d pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I\'ve seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.\nThis country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that\'s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that\'s not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that\'s not what keeps the world coming to our shores.\nInstead, it is that American spirit – that American promise – that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.\nThat promise is our greatest inheritance. It\'s a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours – a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.\nAnd it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln\'s Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.\nThe men and women who gathered there could\'ve heard many things. They could\'ve heard words of anger and discord. They could\'ve been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred.\nBut what the people heard instead – people of every creed and color, from every walk of life – is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.\n\"We cannot walk alone,\" the preacher cried. \"And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.\"\nAmerica, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise – that American promise – and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.\nThank you, God Bless you, and and God Bless the United States of 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Joe Biden, thank you for being the very best Vice President I could have ever hoped for and being a strong and loyal friend.\nMadam Chairwoman, delegates, I accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nNow, the first time I addressed this convention in 2004, I was a younger man, a Senate candidate from Illinois who spoke about hope, not blind optimism, not wishful thinking, but hope in the face of difficulty, hope in the face of uncertainty, that dogged faith in the future which has pushed this Nation forward, even when the odds are great, even when the road is long.\nEight years later, that hope has been tested by the cost of war, by one of the worst economic crises in history, and by political gridlock that\'s left us wondering whether it\'s still even possible to tackle the challenges of our time.\nBut when all is said and done—when you pick up that ballot to vote—you will face the clearest choice of any time in a generation. Over the next few years, big decisions will be made in Washington on jobs, the economy, taxes and deficits, energy, education, war and peace, decisions that will have a huge impact on our lives and on our children\'s lives for decades to come.\nAnd on every issue, the choice you face won\'t just be between two candidates or two parties. It will be a choice between two different paths for America, a choice between two fundamentally different visions for the future.\nOurs is a fight to restore the values that built the largest middle class and the strongest economy the world has ever known, the values my grandfather defended as a soldier in Patton\'s army, the values that drove my grandmother to work on a bomber assembly line while he was gone.\nThey knew they were part of something larger: a nation that triumphed over fascism and depression; a nation where the most innovative businesses turned out the world\'s best products. And everyone shared in that pride and success, from the corner office to the factory floor.\nMy grandparents were given the chance to go to college, buy their own home, and fulfill the basic bargain at the heart of America\'s story: the promise that hard work will pay off, that responsibility will be rewarded, that everyone gets a fair shot and everyone does their fair share and everyone plays by the same rules from Main Street to Wall Street to Washington, DC.\nAnd I ran for President because I saw that basic bargain slipping away. I began my career helping people in the shadow of a shuttered steel mill at a time when too many good jobs were starting to move overseas. And by 2008, we had seen nearly a decade in which families struggled with costs that kept rising, but paychecks that didn\'t: folks racking up more and more debt just to make the mortgage or pay tuition, put gas in the car or food on the table. And when the house of cards collapsed in the great recession, millions of innocent Americans lost their jobs, their homes, their life savings, a tragedy from which we\'re still fighting to recover.\nNow, our friends down in Tampa at the Republican Convention were more than happy to talk about everything they think is wrong with America. But they didn\'t have much to say about how they\'d make it right. They want your vote, but they don\'t want you to know their plan. And that\'s because all they have to offer is the same prescriptions they\'ve had for the last 30 years: Have a surplus? Try a tax cut. Deficit too high? Try another. Feel a cold coming on? Take two tax cuts, roll back some regulations, and call us in the morning.\nNow, I\'ve cut taxes for those who need it: middle class families, small businesses. But I don\'t believe that another round of tax breaks for millionaires will bring good jobs to our shores or pay down our deficit. I don\'t believe that firing teachers or kicking students off financial aid will grow the economy or help us compete with the scientists and engineers coming out of China.\nAfter all we\'ve been through, I don\'t believe that rolling back regulations on Wall Street will help the small businesswoman expand or the laid-off construction worker keep his home.\nWe have been there, we\'ve tried that, and we\'re not going back. We are moving forward, America.\nNow, I won\'t pretend the path I\'m offering is quick or easy. I never have. You didn\'t elect me to tell you what you wanted to hear. You elected me to tell you the truth.\nAnd the truth is it will take more than a few years for us to solve challenges that have built up over decades. It will require common effort and shared responsibility and the kind of bold, persistent experimentation that Franklin Roosevelt pursued during the only crisis worse than this one. And by the way, those of us who carry on his party\'s legacy should remember that not every problem can be remedied with another Government program or dictate from Washington.\nBut know this, America: Our problems can be solved. Our challenges can be met. The path we offer may be harder, but it leads to a better place. And I\'m asking you to choose that future.\nI\'m asking you to rally around a set of goals for your country—goals in manufacturing, energy, education, national security, and the deficit—real, achievable plans that will lead to new jobs, more opportunity, and rebuild this economy on a stronger foundation. That\'s what we can do in the next 4 years, and that is why I\'m running for a second term as President of the United States.\nI\'ve met workers in Detroit and Toledo who feared they\'d never build another American car. And today, they can\'t build them fast enough, because we reinvented a dying auto industry that\'s back on the top of the world.\nI\'ve worked with business leaders who are bringing jobs back to America, not because our workers make less pay, but because we make better products. Because we work harder and smarter than anyone else.\nI\'ve signed trade agreements that are helping our companies sell more goods to millions of new customers, goods that are stamped with three proud words: Made in America.\nAnd now you have a choice: We can give more tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, or we can start rewarding companies that open new plants and train new workers and create new jobs here in the United States of America. We can help big factories and small businesses double their exports, and if we choose this path, we can create a million new manufacturing jobs in the next 4 years. You can make that happen. You can choose that future.\nYou can choose the path where we control more of our own energy. After 30 years of inaction, we raised fuel standards so that by the middle of the next decade, cars and trucks will go twice as far on a gallon of gas. We have doubled our use of renewable energy, and thousands of Americans have jobs today building wind turbines and long-lasting batteries. In the last year alone, we cut oil imports by 1 million barrels a day, more than any administration in recent history. And today, the United States of America is less dependent on foreign oil than at any time in the last two decades.\nSo now you have a choice: between a strategy that reverses this progress or one that builds on it. We\'ve opened millions of new acres for oil and gas exploration in the last 3 years, and we\'ll open more. But unlike my opponent, I will not let oil companies write this country\'s energy plan or endanger our coastlines or collect another $4 billion in corporate welfare from our taxpayers. We\'re offering a better path.\nWe\'re offering a better path, where we—a future where we keep investing in wind and solar and clean coal; where farmers and scientists harness new biofuels to power our cars and trucks; where construction workers build homes and factories that waste less energy; where we develop a hundred-year supply of natural gas that\'s right beneath our feet. If you choose this path, we can cut our oil imports in half by 2020 and support more than 600,000 new jobs in natural gas alone.\nAnd yes, my plan will continue to reduce the carbon pollution that is heating our planet, because climate change is not a hoax. More droughts and floods and wildfires are not a joke. They are a threat to our children\'s future. And in this election, you can do something about it.\nYou can choose a future where more Americans have the chance to gain the skills they need to compete, no matter how old they are or how much money they have. Education was the gateway to opportunity for me. It was the gateway for Michelle. It was the gateway for most of you. And now more than ever, it is the gateway to a middle class life.\nFor the first time in a generation, nearly every State has answered our call to raise their standards for teaching and learning. Some of the worst schools in the country have made real gains in math and reading. Millions of students are paying less for college today because we finally took on a system that wasted billions of taxpayer dollars on banks and lenders.\nAnd government has a role in this. But teachers must inspire; principals must lead; parents must instill a thirst for learning. And, students, you\'ve got to do the work. And together, I promise you, we can out-educate and out-compete any nation on Earth.\nSo help me. Help me recruit 100,000 math and science teachers within 10 years and improve early childhood education. Help give 2 million workers the chance to learn skills at their community college that will lead directly to a job. Help us work with colleges and universities to cut in half the growth of tuition costs over the next 10 years. We can meet that goal together. You can choose that future for America. That\'s our future.\nIn a world of new threats and new challenges, you can choose leadership that has been tested and proven. Four years ago, I promised to end the war in Iraq. We did. I promised to refocus on the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9\/11. And we have. We\'ve blunted the Taliban\'s momentum in Afghanistan, and in 2014, our longest war will be over.\nA new tower rises above the New York skyline, Al Qaida is on the path to defeat, and Usama bin Laden is dead.\nAround the world, we\'ve strengthened old alliances and forged new coalitions to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. We\'ve reasserted our power across the Pacific and stood up to China on behalf of our workers. From Burma to Libya to South Sudan, we have advanced the rights and dignity of all human beings: men and women, Christians and Muslims and Jews.\nBut for all the progress that we\'ve made, challenges remain. Terrorist plots must be disrupted. Europe\'s crisis must be contained. Our commitment to Israel\'s security must not waver, and neither must our pursuit of peace. The Iranian Government must face a world that stays united against its nuclear ambitions. The historic change sweeping across the Arab world must be defined not by the iron fist of a dictator or the hate of extremists, but by the hopes and aspirations of ordinary people who are reaching for the same rights that we celebrate here today.\nSo now we have a choice. My opponent and his running mate are new to foreign policy, but from all that we\'ve seen and heard, they want to take us back to an era of blustering and blundering that cost America so dearly.\nAfter all, you don\'t call Russia our number-one enemy—not Al Qaida, Russia—unless you\'re still stuck in a cold war mind warp. You might not be ready for diplomacy with Beijing if you can\'t visit the Olympics without insulting our closest ally.\nMy opponent said that it was \"tragic\" to end the war in Iraq. And he won\'t tell us how he\'ll end the war in Afghanistan. Well, I have, and I will.\nAnd while my opponent would spend more money on military hardware that our Joint Chiefs don\'t even want, I will use the money we\'re no longer spending on war to pay down our debt and put more people back to work rebuilding roads and bridges and schools and runways. Because after two wars that have cost us thousands of live and over a trillion dollars, it\'s time to do some nation-building right here at home.\nYou can choose a future where we reduce our deficit without sticking it to the middle class. Independent experts say that my plan would cut our deficit by $4 trillion. And last summer, I worked with Republicans in Congress to cut a billion [trillion]* dollars in spending—because those of us who believe Government can be a force for good should work harder than anyone to reform it so that it\'s leaner and more efficient and more responsive to the American people.\nI want to reform the Tax Code so that it\'s simple, fair, and asks the wealthiest households to pay higher taxes on incomes over $250,000, the same rate we had when Bill Clinton was President; the same rate we had when our economy created nearly 23 million new jobs, the biggest surplus in history, and a whole lot of millionaires to boot.\nNow, I\'m still eager to reach an agreement based on the principles of my bipartisan debt commission. No party has a monopoly on wisdom. No democracy works without compromise. I want to get this done, and we can get it done. But when Governor Romney and his friends in Congress tell us we can somehow lower our deficits by spending trillions more on new tax breaks for the wealthy, well, what did Bill Clinton call it: \"you do the arithmetic.\" You do the math.\nI refuse to go along with that and as long as I\'m President, I never will. I refuse to ask middle class families to give up their deductions for owning a home or raising their kids just to pay for another millionaire\'s tax cut.\nI refuse to ask students to pay more for college or kick children out of Head Start programs, to eliminate health insurance for millions of Americans who are poor and elderly or disabled, all so those with the most can pay less. I\'m not going along with that.\nAnd I will never—I will never—turn Medicare into a voucher. No American should ever have to spend their golden years at the mercy of insurance companies. They should retire with the care and the dignity that they have earned. Yes, we will reform and strengthen Medicare for the long haul, but we\'ll do it by reducing the cost of health care, not by asking seniors to pay thousands of dollars more.\nAnd we will keep the promise of Social Security by taking the responsible steps to strengthen it, not by turning it over to Wall Street.\nYou know what, that\'s not who we are. That\'s not what this country\'s about. As Americans, we believe we are endowed by our Creator with certain, inalienable rights, rights that no man or government can take away. We insist on personal responsibility, and we celebrate individual initiative. We\'re not entitled to success; we have to earn it. We honor the strivers, the dreamers, the risk takers, the entrepreneurs who have always been the driving force behind our free enterprise system, the greatest engine of growth and prosperity that the world\'s ever known.\nBut we also believe in something called citizenship. Citizenship: a word at the very heart of our founding, a word at the very essence of our democracy, the idea that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations.\nWe believe that when a CEO pays his autoworkers enough to buy the cars that they build, the whole company does better. We believe that when a family can no longer be tricked into signing a mortgage they can\'t afford, that family is protected, but so is the value of other people\'s homes, and so is the entire economy. We believe the little girl who\'s offered an escape from poverty by a great teacher or a grant for college could become the next Steve Jobs or the scientist who cures cancer or the President of the United States, and it is in our power to give her that chance.\nWe know that churches and charities can often make more of a difference than a poverty program alone. We don\'t want handouts for people who refuse to help themselves, and we certainly don\'t want bailouts for banks that break the rules. We don\'t think that government can solve all of our problems, but we don\'t think that government is the source of all of our problems, any more than are welfare recipients, or corporations, or unions, or immigrants, or gays, or any other group we\'re told to blame for our troubles.\nBecause, America, we understand that this democracy is ours. We, the people, recognize that we have responsibilities as well as rights; that our destinies are bound together, that a freedom which asks only \"what\'s in it for me,\" a freedom without a commitment to others, a freedom without love or charity or duty or patriotism is unworthy of our founding ideals and those who died in their defense.\nAs citizens, we understand that America is not about what can be done for us; it\'s about what can be done by us, together, through the hard and frustrating, but necessary work of self-government. That\'s what we believe.\nSo you see, the election 4 years ago wasn\'t about me. It was about you. My fellow citizens, you were the change. You\'re the reason there\'s a little girl with a heart disorder in Phoenix who will get the surgery she needs because an insurance company can\'t limit her coverage. You did that.\nYou\'re the reason a young man in Colorado who never thought he\'d be able to afford his dream of earning a medical degree is about to get that chance. You made that possible.\nIf you turn away now, if you buy into the cynicism that the change we fought for isn\'t possible, well, change will not happen. If you give up on the idea that your voice can make a difference, then other voices will fill the void: the lobbyists and special interests; the people with the $10 million checks who are trying to buy this election and those who are trying to make it harder for you to vote; Washington politicians who want to decide who you can marry, or control health care choices that women should be making for themselves.\nOnly you can make sure that doesn\'t happen. Only you have the power to move us forward.\nI recognize that times have changed since I first spoke to this convention. The times have changed, and so have I. I\'m no longer just a candidate. I\'m the President.\nAnd that means I know what it means to send young Americans into battle, for I have held in my arms the mothers and fathers of those who didn\'t return. I\'ve shared the pain of families who\'ve lost their homes and the frustration of workers who\'ve lost their jobs.\nBut as I stand here tonight, I have never been more hopeful about America. Not because I think I have all the answers. Not because I\'m naive about the magnitude of our challenges. I\'m hopeful because of you.\nThe young woman I met at a science fair who won national recognition for her biology research while living with her family at a homeless shelter, she gives me hope.\nThe autoworker who won the lottery after his plant almost closed, but kept coming to work every day and bought flags for his whole town and one of the cars that he built to surprise his wife, he gives me hope.\nThe family business in Warroad, Minnesota, that didn\'t lay off a single one of their 4,000 employees when the recession hit, even when their competitors shut down dozens of plants, even when it meant the owner gave up some perks and some pay because they understood that their biggest asset was the community and the workers who had helped build that business—they give me hope.\nI think about the young sailor I met at Walter Reed hospital, still recovering from a grenade attack that would cause him to have his leg amputated above the knee. Six months ago, we would watch him walk into a White House dinner honoring those who served in Iraq, tall and 20 pounds heavier, dashing in his uniform, with a big grin on his face, sturdy on his new leg. And I remember how a few months after that I would watch him on a bicycle, racing with his fellow wounded warriors on a sparkling spring day, inspiring other heroes who had just begun the hard path he had traveled, he gives me hope. He gives me hope.\nI don\'t know what party these men and women belong to. I don\'t know if they\'ll vote for me. But I know that their spirit defines us. They remind me, in the words of Scripture, that ours is a \"future filled with hope.\"\nAnd if you share that faith with me—if you share that hope with me—I ask you tonight for your vote. If you reject the notion that this Nation\'s promise is reserved for the few, your voice must be heard in this election. If you reject the notion that our Government is forever beholden to the highest bidder, you need to stand up in this election.\nIf you believe that new plants and factories can dot our landscape, that new energy can power our future, that new schools can provide ladders of opportunity to this nation of dreamers; if you believe in a country where everyone gets a fair shot and everyone does their fair share and everyone plays by the same rules, then I need you to vote this November.\nAmerica, I never said this journey would be easy, and I won\'t promise that now. Yes, our path is harder, but it leads to a better place. Yes, our road is longer, but we travel it together. We don\'t turn back. We leave no one behind. We pull each other up. We draw strength from our victories, and we learn from our mistakes, but we keep our eyes fixed on that distant horizon, knowing that Providence is with us, and that we are surely blessed to be citizens of the greatest nation on Earth.\nThank you. God bless you, and God bless these United 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